Government Phonology

Author(s):  
Tobias Scheer ◽  
Nancy C. Kula
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 53-71
Author(s):  
Markus A. Pöchtrager

AbstractThis article looks at what is referred to as the tense/lax contrast in English and proposes that members of the two sets of vowel have the same basic structure but differ in how part of that structure is made use of by its neighbours. The proposal forms part of a general theory of the representation of vowel height within the framework of Government Phonology 2.0.


2010 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 53-66
Author(s):  
Anna Bloch-Rozmej ◽  

This paper addresses the problem of the syllabic consonants in the selected Slavic and Celtic languages. We shall consider this issue through the optic of Government Phonology (henceforth GP), as defined e.g. in Harris 1994, Cyran 2003 and Gussmann 2007. Within the framework of GP, the phonological structure of morphemes is constructed in terms of the licensing and governing relations between adjacent skeletal positions – the timing slots. The prosodic positions are then projected onto the syllabic constituents of nuclei (the heads of rhymes) and onsets. In such configurations, onsets are always dependent on their nuclear licensers. A specific proposal advocated in this presentation is that onset-nucleus domains are not only licensing domains but they also constitute the so-called extension domains. It will be further maintained that the phenomenon of the syllabic consonants can be analyzed in terms of segment extension occurring within such onset-nucleus extension domains. It will be demonstrated that this solution effectively accounts for the relevant linguistic facts attested to in Polish, Czech, Slovak or Serbo-Croatian. In our analysis, the distinction between the syllabic and trapped consonants will be adopted which, as will be proposed, derives from different lexical structures of either type. Apart from the available dictionary entries, we shall rely on the data provided by Scheer (2003), Dalewska-Greń (2002) and Rubach (1997). The evidence concerning the behavior of the syllabic consonants in the Slavic languages will also be compared to the Irish situation. It will be proposed that the observable differences are contingent on both structural representations and different parameter settings in the languages under discussion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Jaskuła

The Irish of Iorras Aithneach differs somewhat from the other varieties of Irish. Among other things, this regional variety is slightly irregular as regards the treatment of loanwords from English. For example, in Iorras Aithneach an epenthetic vowel [e] is regularly inserted in certain clusters, but irregularly in other consonant groups (Ó Curnáin 2007). New vowels may also precede certain initial sounds and follow some final consonants in English loanwords. Since Ó Curnáin's (2007) book is the most recent and most extensive study of any Irish dialect ever undertaken, it seems a very appropriate source of information and analysis. The issues addressed in this paper are as follows. First, what are the reasons for epenthesis in loanwords in the Irish of Iorras Aithneach? Second, why is Iorras Aithneach epenthesis in borrowings from English irregular? Third, and marginal, what is the reason for prosthetic vowels on both word edges in Iorras Aithneach? The phonological model used in this paper is Government Phonology in its recent version.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-144
Author(s):  
Paul John ◽  
Walcir Cardoso

Using a laboratory approach, this study investigates the acquisition of the stops /p k/ by Brazilian Portuguese (BP) learners of English in three contexts: in word-medial position before (1) /t/ or (2) /n/ and (3) in word-final position. Because BP allows only /S r l N/ in these positions, learners tend to resort to a process of i-epenthesis (e.g., cha[pi]ter, te[ki]nique, magi[ki]). While /p k/ clearly syllabify as onsets after i-epenthesis, there is no consensus on their syllabic ailiation in the target contexts. Three views can be distinguished. According to orthodox phonology, /p k/ syllabify as codas in all three locations. From the Government Phonology view, however, /p k/ are codas only word-medially before /t/; in the other two contexts, they syllabify as onsets of empty nuclei. Finally, Strict CV proposes that /p k/ in all three cases are onsets of empty nuclei. In previous research, we established that /p k/ are acquired diferentially in medial position before /t/ and in final position, the latter being the more challenging context. This finding provides tentative support for the Government Phonology claim that /p k/ instantiate a diferent syllabification in these two contexts and hence constitute a distinct learning challenge. To explore the matter further, we include here the context of /p k/ in word-medial position before /n/. A set of non-word-learning tasks and pre/post production tests determine that this context patterns with word-final consonants, as the Government Phonology view predicts. Statistical results support the prediction.


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