scholarly journals Harina de guayaba taiwanesa como sustituto de almidón en la producción de embutidos crudos y cocidos

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Walter Alexander Cosme Linares ◽  
Melba Jeannette Pacheco de Jordán ◽  
Blanca Estela Saravia Arias
Keyword(s):  

La investigación se realizó en el laboratorio de investigación de la Universidad Católica de El Salvador sede Ilobasco, Cabañas en El Salvador, a raíz de aprovechar excedentes de producción de guayaba taiwanesa. De los excedentes de cosecha se recolectó y clasificó fruta para establecer calidad, protegiendo la inocuidad de los mismos; luego los frutos fueron rebanados sin sobrepasar 5mm de ancho, ya que a mayor grosor menor deshidratación, inclusive a 60°C y velocidad del aire 3.5m/s. Luego de la obtención de harina de guayaba se determinaron los porcentajes a ser agregados a las diferentes fórmulas. Se evaluó y caracterizó la harina de guayaba mediante análisis proximal y análisis de textura; posterior a la caracterización se pulverizó y tamizó para luego experimentar con dos porcentajes de harina de guayaba 1.7% y 3.4% como sustituto de almidón en la elaboración de embutidos crudos y cocidos. Se puede afirmar porlos resultados de los análisis organolépticos que es factible la elaboración de embutidos crudos y cocidos con harina de guayaba, ya que esta no altera ninguna de las cualidades organolépticas en la producción de embutidos crudos y cocidos.

2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez ◽  
Anna L. Peterson

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization


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