Criticism of “Colonial Modernity” through Kurdish Decolonial Approaches

Western modernity with its colonial application has created an identity trauma and patriarchal domination of the memory of colonized and oppressed peoples. Critiques from colonized territories encourage us to reread the colonial epistemes of modernity, whether or not centered on the West. The Kurdish political movement thus defines a new interpretation of modernity based on the critique of colonialism and global capitalism: “democratic modernity.” This chapter problematizes the relations between modernity, the nation state, the destruction of ecology, social confinement, the relationship of the forces of these relations, but above all the modalities by which it becomes possible to act on them to break the “stalemate” of the modernity of thought in the twenty-first century.

Discourse of the Securitization of Migration in France: from Republican Integration to Alarmism

Modern migration discourse contributes to the securitization of migration in France: it is transferred to the security field, endowed with threat connotations, and thus is becoming the direct cause of the security deficit. The agents of securitization (representatives of the country’s supreme power or right-wing political movements, or writers and essayists who recognize themselves as independent from any political party’s influence and who, however, still share the anti-immigration mood of the right-wing political movement. They use elements of the discourse of fear to achieve their own political goals; they present immigrants as a mortal threat not only to the national identity of the state and the integrity of its society, but also to its public and national security. In the discourse of these agents, there is a clear tendency to create an image of a France “abandoned” by the government and “besieged” by immigrants, a France as a subject to “colonization” by Islam that is incompatible with the secular principle the country that supports republican ideals. Analysis of the migration discourse of securitization agents reveals bold metaphors and emotionally charged expressions that generate a sense of fear in society and give rise to misconceptions about the scale of immigration and the size of the Muslim population in the country.

FUNDAMENTALISME RADIKAL DALAM PEMIKIRAN DAN GERAKAN POLITIK KEAGAMAAN DI INDONESIA: STUDI KASUS PEMBUBARAN HIZBUT TAHRIR INDONESIA (HTI)

<em>This article describes on radical fundamentalism group named Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI). Fundamentalism is a concept, an idea that lives in political thought and religious political movement which is recognized blooming out in Indonesia as a side product of reformation era in 1998. Because of its ideology was consider as an opposite to Indonesian ideology and law, HTI then disbandment by Indonesian government. This article is a library research that uses a descriptive qualitative method. There are three Research results i.e., firstly, radical fundamentalism is a thought and a religious-political movement of a group that strictly carries out religious teachings. And these concepts exist in all religions. Secondly, although activities and political movements of HTI were stopped by government, its concept and movement are still running by many other religious group. And thirdly, the thought and political movement of HTI and other religious fundamentalist groups needs to be criticized to add insight into ideology.</em><br /><br /><strong>Key words:</strong> Radical Fundamentalism, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia, Religious Thought and Political Movement.<br /><br />

Ukraine’s compliance with the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the European Union

Problem setting. Since gaining independence, Ukraine has been steadily moving towards integration into European and Euro-Atlantic structures. However, the process of acquiring membership of our state in the European Union is quite long and involves a number of criteria, in particular, in addition to the general ones specified in Art. 49 of the Treaty on European Union of 1993, and additional Copenhagen criteria to be met by the applicant state. European integration processes have a positive impact on the development of Ukraine as a democratic, social, legal state, strengthen its position in the international arena, contribute to economic reforms. Which, in turn, should be demonstrated in practice by bringing Ukraine closer to the requirements set by the EU for states that have expressed a desire to join the union. Recent research on the topic. Various aspects of the issue of European integration were developed primarily by European lawyers and political scientists, among whom the works of K. Baimi, A. Bogdandi, J. Buchanan, M. Burgess, W. Della Sala, A. Dashwood, G. De Burke are of special interest. J. Zimmerman, L. Cartou, N. Catalano, P. King, P. Craig, D. Lassok, S. Leikoff, W. Ostrom, D. Sidzhansky, R. Watts and many other authors. The list of scientific researches is not limited to the works of Western authors, as the integration process is quite dynamic, and therefore scientists are no less interested in the scientific developments of their colleagues from countries seeking to gain EU membership, including Ukrainian lawyers, including I. Bratsuk, O. Golovko-Gavrisheva, V. Kopiyka, T. Komarova, K. Smirnova, L. Luts, M. Mikievich, Z. Makarukha, V. Muravyov, V. Poselsky, R. Petrov, O. Tragnyuk, I. Yakovyuk and others. The purpose of this research is to analyze the current state of the legislative, legal and economic base of Ukraine for compliance with the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the European Union. Article’s main body. The article is devoted to the issue of Ukraine's compliance with each of the Copenhagen criteria. First of all, the authors note that the main purpose of the Copenhagen criteria is to select the most "worthy" applicants for membership in the Union. And compliance with these criteria must indicate the ability of the state to perform the duties of a member state of the Union. In addition, specific examples are given of the requirements that Ukraine has met as of 2021 and that it must meet in the near future. It indicates in which direction Ukraine should move in order to acquire the full status of a member state of the European Union. In conclusion, the opinions of scientists on the prospects of Ukraine's further accession to the European Union are presented. Conclusions and prospects for development. The research shows that Ukraine does not yet fully meet the Copenhagen criteria for accession to the EU, as for a number of objective and subjective reasons there is a lack of stable economic development and a well-established understanding of the direction of the political movement. Despite significant advances, national legislation also needs to be improved. After the entry into force of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU, the development of integration processes has significantly intensified. The implementation of the planned reforms is undoubtedly able to bring our country's accession to the EU closer, which should add optimism and encourage daily work in this direction.

Political and Civic Identity of Libertarians in Contemporary Russia: Problems and Perspectives

Libertarianism is a new ideological trend, popular among young people. We try to find out whether libertarianism rises as independent political movement or it is the reaction on the fall of popularity of traditional political parties. For that purpose, the author made the comparative analysis of the program documents of the Libertarian Party of Russia with the classical works of the American libertarians and analyzed the published interview both of the party leaders/activists and of the experts. The author used the interview which he took from some activists in order to clarify the political identification of the Russian libertarians. The political identity of libertarians is characterized by the broadest possible interpretation of personal and economic freedom. Libertarians believe that such freedom is compatible with law and legality and is opposite to anarchy. At the same time, they avoid definitions and norms that could constrain freedom by both the state and the adherents of certain, including liberal, values and slogans. This broad approach makes it difficult to politically identify libertarians, but contributes to their attractiveness among young people.

SUPRA-REGIONALISM IN THE CONTEXT OF MULTI-LEVEL POLITICS IN THE EUROPEAN UNION

Regionalism’s studies in the context of current political events remain relevant for the academic field. However, most of these studies are focused on regionalism, concentrated within one territorial-administrative unit. At the same time, in the European space there is a phenomenon, when regionalism is dispersed over the territory of several regions. Examples of such a world are Transylvania, Silesia, the Basque Country, etc. However, today in political science there is no theoretical framework for such cases. This article offers a conceptualization of this phenomenon, which is proposed to be called supra-regionalism and a typology of supra-regionalisms in the modern world is proposed. Supra-regionalism is a political movement that has a territorial base in several administrative-territorial units, and converts aspects of regional identity (ethnic, economic, political, etc.) into political action, the goal of which is to achieve/preserve the special status of the regions it represents. In the course of the study, a number of criteria were proposed to assess the effectiveness of supra-regionalism. These include its entire integrity - that is, the uniformity of electoral support within the region, as well as the presence of mechanisms for interregional integration and representation of the supra-region. These parameters were developed based on the concept of multilevel control. Among these parameters: political representation of supra-regionalism, constitutional foundations of identity, non-electoral representation, special meetings, representation in Brussels, cross-border regions, participation in European projects. Based on a low-casus comparison of seven European supra-regionalisms, conclusions are drawn regarding the consistency of supra-regionalism in Europe at the moment. First of all, it should be noted that the main (and almost the only) mechanism for the integration of supra-regionalism is party organizations. In general, supra-regionalisms use other opportunities, including the opportunities provided by the European Union for joint representation and implementation of policy in the interests of the supra-region. Moreover, there is a tendency towards a more effective disappearance of supra-regionalisms in the European Union.

Foucault’s Outside: Contingency, May-Being, and Revolt

In this paper, I argue for an alternative reading of Michel Foucault as an anti-correlationist thinker. Specifically, I position him as aligned with what philosopher Quentin Meillassoux calls speculative materialism (an offshoot of speculative realism). Given the resurgent and exciting prioritization of speculative ontology over concrete politics among these thinkers, coupled with the need for a revolutionary anti-capitalist political movement, my approach aims to take speculative materialists’ claims regarding access to the in-itself seriously while also devoting attention to their (underdeveloped) political dimension. It is in this latter realm Foucault proves particularly helpful to think alongside. Though Foucault has often and convincingly been portrayed as an anti-universalist, postmodern, and epistemologically-oriented figure, I present him as concerned with the subject’s access to the Outside (the great outdoors, things-in-themselves) as well as the politics of such access. I do so through a study of a wide selection of his works (books, essays, interviews, articles), a comparison between his philosophical position and that of Meillassoux’s, and an expansion upon Foucault’s analysis of Diego Velázquez’s “Las Meninas” in The Order of Things, positing the artwork as a speculative object. I suggest, in short, that Foucault’s concepts of thought, force, and the subject have surprisingly striking similarities to Meillassoux’s absolute contingency and his political subject (the ‘vectoral militant’). We can, then, begin to see a revolutionary politics arising out of what I understand as Foucault’s speculative stance—hopefully providing an opportunity to both (re)consider Foucault and highlight the politics incipient in contemporary explorations into the Outside.

Saving Nation, Faith and Family. Yoram Hazony’s National Conservativism and Its Theo-Political Mission

Particularly pushed by the Edmund Burke Foundation and its president Yoram Hazony, the political movement of National Conservativism is largely based on specific concepts of nation, faith and family. Driven by the mission to overcome the violence of liberalism, identified with imperialism, national conservatives shape potent international and interreligious alliances for a religiously based system of independent national states. The article gives an outline of the main programmatic pillars of National Conservativism at the example of Yoram Hazony’s The Virtue of Nationalism, one of the current ideological key works of the movement. It will show how its political framework is based on a binary frame of liberalism (identified with imperialism) versus nationalism, the latter supported as the way forward towards protecting freedom, faith and family. The analytic part will focus on the use of religious motifs and the construction of a specific kind of Judaeo-Christianism as a means of exclusivist theo-political nationalism. It will be shown that Hazony’s nationalism is no way to overcome violence, but a political theory close to theo-political authoritarianism, based on abridged readings of Scripture, history and philosophy. It severely endangers the foundations of democracies, especially with regard to minority and women’s rights, and delegitimizes liberal democracy and religious traditions positively contributing to it.

Crime, Sensation, and Empire

<p><b>The 1857 criminal trial of Madeleine Smith for the murder of Pierre Emile L’Angelier became a cause célèbre throughout the British world. Enmeshed with scandal and speculation, it involved a secret affair between a young upper middle-class Glasgow woman and her older foreign lover of lower social standing; accusations of arsenic poisoning that led to his demise; erotic love letters that were read out in court; and an inconclusive—and uniquely Scottish—verdict of ‘not proven’. In 1866, a butcher under the name of Thomas Castro from Wagga Wagga, New South Wales, claimed to be the heir to an ancient English baronetcy: the Tichborne estates. Similarly described as its own cause célèbre, the Tichborne baronetcy case spanned two long-running civil and criminal trials and led to a political movement in Britain that continued to take aim at political, legal, and religious institutions long after the trials had ended, in 1874.</b></p> <p>Although the crimes at the centre of the two cases were incongruous, both Madeleine Smith and the Tichborne Claimant ignited significant public debate over criminal procedures, class, gender, and identity. Smith’s case played a key role in the development of ‘sensation’ journalism and literature centred on the violent propensities that lurked beneath the seemingly respectable and repressive Victorian social code, while the Tichborne Claimant’s case confronted Britons with anxieties around the definition of ‘respectability’ and the homecoming of expatriates from the colonies.</p> <p>While coverage of the cases has been well-documented within Britain, less scholarly attention has been paid to their pervasive coverage in the colony of Australia. Both cases were major news items in the colonial press, as updates on the trials were sourced from British media outlets and published in local newspapers almost daily. So pervasive was the coverage that gossip and misinformation surrounding the two cases spread throughout Australia and, to a lesser extent, New Zealand, as speculation surrounded Smith’s later whereabouts over the late nineteenth century and questions about the Tichborne Claimant’s identity lingered.</p> <p>By examining the widespread coverage of the cases in Australia, this work explores how the cases harnessed the communicative powers of the press and stirred sensation in and outside of Britain. Both cases played a role in forging British-Australian transnational identities in the colonies, as Australian newspapers lent their unique voices to associated British metropolitan discussions and weighed in on the respective trial verdicts. With Smith embodying the perceived exodus of undesirable migrants to Australia and the Tichborne Claimant representing colonial life being brought back to the British metropole, Australian newspapers also used the cases to confront the way British metropolitan newspapers wrote about the colony. Fixation on the appearances, manners, and movements of Smith and the Tichborne Claimant, and the crimes with which they were implicated, meant that the Australian newspaper press became an arena for long-standing and far-reaching debate about class, social respectability, gender, sexuality, criminality, and colonial justice.</p>