Conclusion

Author(s):  
Gina K. Velasco

Beginning with a discussion of the mainstream US news coverage of the 2016 mass shooting at a Latinx party at Pulse (an LGBT nightclub in Orlando, Florida), this chapter connects Puerto Rico to the Philippines through Allan Isaac’s notion of “American tropics.” US empire is intimately tied to trans and queer necropolitics, exemplified by the 2014 murder of Jennifer Laude (a Filipina trans woman) by Joseph Scott Pemberton, a white US Marine. However, queer and trans analyses are often elided within anti-imperialist scholarship and social movements. Inversely, a critique of empire is often missing from mainstream US queer and trans politics. Ultimately, this chapter calls for an integration of anti-imperialist politics with queer and trans social movements, especially within Filipina/o American diasporic nationalisms

1962 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Szászdi

The title of this article seems to give the impression that its author is a financial expert. Unhappily, this is not the case. But—for quite unknown reasons—college professors are apt to acquire some empirical knowledge of credit facilities. Besides, I do not intend to give practical advice to anybody. I shall only try to show, how people in Puerto Rico, a century and a half ago, managed to survive—and at times prosper—in the midst of what some people used to call, not very affectionately, the “money complex.”What makes the question interesting is the lack of banks or other credit institutions. Apparently, the first small savings banks did not appear until the 1870's. The paucity, if not the absolute absence, of liquid capital characterizes Puerto Rico until the period under study. Such a state of affairs had remote causes. Puerto Rico, as Spain's second colony in the New World, had had a prosperous start in the sixteenth century. Some gold was found, and the firstingeniowas set up. But in the 1520's an exodus was set off by the attraction of the fabulous mineral wealth of the continent that was being conquered, an exodus that the threat of the death penalty was not able to stop effectively. The lack of sufficient settlers was then the initial cause of Puerto Rico's economic stagnation. Naturally, the following two hundred years should have been more than sufficient to allow recovery, for—popular beliefs to the contrary—mineral wealth was not the only source of economic prosperity in the Spanish monarchy. As a sample, the Philippines exported Chinese goods, Central America cocoa and dyestuff, Venezuela cocoa and tobacco, Guayaquil cocoa and timber, Quito textiles, Peru wine and flour, Chile flour and timber, Tucumán mules, Buenos Aires hides, and Cuba sugar and tobacco.


2021 ◽  
pp. 97-132
Author(s):  
Frank W. Munger ◽  
Peerawich Thoviriyavej ◽  
Vorapitchaya Rabiablok

Women lawyers are increasing seen among the leading legal defenders of human rights and social movements in Thailand. Increasing visibility is partly a result of news coverage and social media, but women lawyers activism has far older roots. In this article, we examine two related processes of change that contribute to women’s emergence as leading social cause practitioners. First, we discuss the relationship between Thailand’s legal system and its social and political development since the end of the nineteenth century. Second, we employ career narratives of three women lawyers with innovative practices for social causes as a lens through which to examine how lawyers transform available resources into an identity, law practice, and law. We discuss not only the role of prior generations of women lawyers, connections between influential elites and social cause lawyers, and the founding of a few key organizations within the NGO community, but also the role of the women as architects of their own careers. We conclude that they have become successful by aligning their practices with emerging social movements and progressive bureaucrats, unexpectedly creating professional identities with somewhat different relationships to the rule of law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 811-841
Author(s):  
Katherine Unterman

This article adds to the growing literature about how the Supreme Court's decisions in the Insular Cases affected the residents of the U.S. territories. It focuses on the territory of Guam, which lacked juries in both criminal and civil trials until 1956–nearly sixty years after the island became a U.S. possession. Residents of Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and the Virgin Islands had limited jury trials, but Guam was left out due to its strategic military significance as well as racialized ideas about the capabilities of Chamorros, the native inhabitants of the island. This article recovers the struggle by Guamanians to gain jury trials. It argues that independence movements, like those in the Philippines and Puerto Rico, were not the only forms of resistance to American empire. Through petitions, court challenges, and other forms of activism, Guamanians pushed for jury trials as a way to assert local agency and engage in participatory democracy. For them, the Insular Cases were not just abstract rulings about whether the Constitution followed the flag; they deeply affected the administration of justice on the ground for ordinary Guamanians.


2016 ◽  
Vol 36 (11/12) ◽  
pp. 824-842 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alessandra Rosa

Purpose On December 14, 2010, University of Puerto Rico (UPR) student activists initiated the second wave of their strike at a disadvantage. The presence of the police force inside the campus raised the stakes for the student movement. No longer did student activists have the “legal rights” or control of the university as a physical public space to hold their assemblies and coordinate their different events. As a result, student activists had to improvise and (re)construct their spaces of resistance by using emotional narratives, organizing non-violent civil disobedience acts at public places, fomenting lobbying groups, disseminating online petitions, and developing alternative proposals to the compulsory fee. This second wave continued until March 2011, when it came to a halt after an incident that involved physical harassment to the Chancellor, Ana Guadalupe, during one of the student demonstrations. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach Building on Ron Eyerman’s (2005, p. 53) analysis on “the role of emotions in social movements with the aid of performance theory,” the author center this paper on examining student activists’ tactics and strategies in the development and maintenance of their emotional narratives and internet activism. By adapting Joshua Atkinson’s (2010) concept of resistance performance, the author argues that student activists’ resistance performances assisted them in (re)framing their collective identities by (re)constructing spaces of resistance and contention while immersed in violent confrontations with the police. Findings Ever since the establishment of the university as an institution, student activism has played a key role in shaping the political policies and history of many countries; “today, student actions continue to have direct effects on educational institutions and on national and international politics” (Edelman, 2001, p. 3). Consequently, and especially in times of economic and political crisis, student activism has occupied and constructed spaces of resistance and contention to protest and reveal the existing repressions of neoliberal governments serving as a (re)emergence of an international social movement to guarantee the accessibility to a public higher education of excellence. Thus, it is important to remember that the 2010-2011 UPR student activism’s success should not be measured by the sum of demands granted, but rather by the sense of community achieved and the establishment of social networks that have continued to create resistance and change in the island. Originality/value As of yet there is no thorough published analysis of the 2010-2011 UPR student strike, its implications, and how the university community currently perceives it. By elaborating on the concept of resistance performance, the author’s study illustrates how both traditional and alternative media (re)presentations of student activism can develop, maintain, adjust, or change the students’ collective identity(ies). The author’s work not only makes Puerto Rico visible in the research concerning social movements, student activism, and internet activism; in addition, it provides resistance performance as a concept to describe various degrees of participation in current social movements.


Author(s):  
Faye Caronan

This chapter examines how Esmeralda Santiago's América's Dream and Jessica Hagedorn's Dogeaters represent the rape of Puerto Rico and the Philippines through scattered references to United States bases, commodities, movie stars, and news. Although literary representations of rape in a colonial context often represented only the fear of foreign intrusion and the reality of conquest and colonialism, the chapter argues that Santiago and Hagedorn rewrite this narrative to capture the complexity of neocolonialism in Puerto Rico and the Philippines and to capture how global power has been rearticulated in the neocolonial era. Their novels also challenge the gendered assumption at the heart of this metaphor: women are the property of men.


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