Conquest or conciliation? The policy debate in Henrician Ireland, c.1515–15461

Author(s):  
David Heffernan

The first chapter examines the ‘reform’ treatises written more or less during the reigns of Henry VII and Henry VIII and how they impacted upon the development of government policy in Ireland up to 1546. I argue that most writers were overwhelmingly in favour of a programme of renewed conquest, beginning in those parts of Leinster immediately adjoining the Dublin-centred Pale, and that they believed this would finally be initiated following the Kildare Rebellion in the mid-1530s. However owing to Henry VIII’s unwillingness to fund such a conquest a cheap strategy of conciliation known as ‘surrender and regrant’ was briefly experimented with in the early 1540s. The chapter also examines the policy debate, and treatises written on, religious reform and regional reform of Munster and Ulster through the establishment of provincial councils and settlement of colonies.

1988 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia C. Swensen

Among the accomplished humanists who flourished in the court of Henry VIII, there were a number devoted to the promotion of the “New Faith,” which, with its emphasis on classical learning and rereading of the church fathers, also called into question certain theological truths of Rome as well as the authority of the pope. The most immediate and effective means for this promotion were the various types of patronage readily available to holders of government and household office, both high and low. There is a certain irony here as Henry had, after his split with Rome, declared that there would be no doctrinal innovation, simply that the head of the English church would be the English king rather than the pope at Rome. Yet members of his own court whose actions should have supported and carried out his expressed intentions were those who advanced the very doctrinal innovations he professed to deplore. The reason for this incongruity may be found at least in part in the actions of the king rather than in his words, as he did not develop and follow through with any consistent religious program. As a result, the signals sent to court members were at best mixed and open to individual interpretation. A remarkable latitude in personal policies resulted as members of both Protestant and Catholic factions jockeyed for power. Conservatives, believing they supported the royal wishes, opposed vigorously any further innovation in religious affairs. On the other hand, courtiers who were theologically curious quite easily could believe that, in patronizing sometimes extreme reformers, they were merely carrying out Henry's real but not clearly stated intentions.


Archaeologia ◽  
1953 ◽  
Vol 95 ◽  
pp. 107-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
C. J. P. Cave ◽  
H. Stanford London
Keyword(s):  

St. George's Chapel as it now stands was begun in the reign of Edward IV and finished in that of Henry VIII. It took the place of an earlier chapel. St. John Hope considered that the first part of the chapel to be vaulted was the north aisle of the choir ‘because one of the keys or bosses bears the arms of Thomas Fitzalan as Lord Maltravers, which dignity he held from 1461 until he succeeded to the earldom of Arundel in 1487, while another has the arms of William Lord Hastings who was beheaded in 1483'. But these arguments are of no weight. The Hastings boss may be posthumous like the Bray heraldry in the nave, whilst the arms on the Fitzalan boss are those of the head of the house, perhaps William, the 9th earl of Arundel (K.G. 1471, died 1487), but more probably his son Thomas, the 10th earl (K.G. 1474, died 1524). They cannot be Thomas's arms ‘as Lord Maltravers' for so long as his father was alive he must have differenced those arms in some way, and in fact at least two contemporary manuscripts show that he added to his paternal arms a silver label, then as now a common difference for the eldest son.2 Hope also says that ‘the greater part of the vault of the south aisle of the quire was put up in the time of Henry VII and probably before 1502, since one of the keys has the arms of Arthur Prince of Wales who died in April of that year'. Here, too, Hope is mistaken. The arms may just as well be those of Henry VIII as prince of Wales; he was so created on 18th February 1503, and would have taken the plain white label of the eldest son on the death of his brother.


2017 ◽  
Vol 53 ◽  
pp. 132-145
Author(s):  
Lucy Wooding

Desiderius Erasmus was a significant figure in early sixteenth-century England, and many of his works were translated into English during the reign of Henry VIII. In the process of translation the original intention of these works was subverted as Erasmus's reputation was appropriated by his translators and their patrons for their own purposes. His works were recast in English form to serve a variety of different agendas, from those of Henrician conservatives to Protestants pushing for more radical religious reform. This article looks at some of these translations, showing how they illustrate the variations in religious attitudes during these volatile years and the competing claims for validation. In particular, Erasmus's pronouncements on the importance of Scripture translation were annexed and deployed in the debate over the English Bible, demonstrating how his views about translation were in themselves translated to reflect the political and religious needs of the English situation.


Archaeologia ◽  
1846 ◽  
Vol 31 ◽  
pp. 326-338
Author(s):  
Thomas Phillipps

The Manuscript, from which the following description is taken, is conjectured to have belonged to one of the Wriothesleys, afterwards Garter, King of Arms, and seems to have been written at different times, during the reigns of Edward IV., Richard III., Henry VII., and Henry VIII. It is a quarto volume, of about two hundred leaves of paper, and contains miscellaneous entries on heraldic affairs, but chiefly Lists of Knights, and Coats of Arms.


1984 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 465-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Iver Kaufman

The association of the early Tudors with the elimination of ecclesiastical prerogatives and immunities has achieved a conspicuous respectability. Most attention is lavished justifiably upon Henry VIII, but the plural is stubborn. Henry VII has been paired with his more combative son, and his reign (1485–1509) is commonly credited as an important phase in the evolution of anticlerical prohibitions. Scholars seem convinced that he and his council “attacked” sanctuary and that the privilege's abridgment was something of a rehearsal for the English Reformation. But it is still possible, and not wholly unprecedented, to challenge the familiar view and to ask whether policies appraised as “notable encroachments” were either notable or, in fact, encroachments. After a sketch of the practice of sanctuary and a synoptical review of the thinking that led to sanctuary's destruction, we can return to Henry VII's council and courts and reevaluate earliest Tudor policy as an illustration of certain late medieval transformations of the abiding coalition between crown and church.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 121-152
Author(s):  
Antonio Contreras Martín ◽  
Lourdes Soriano Robles

Resumen: La Crónica de Inglaterra de Rodrigo de Cuero es una traducción de la Cronycle of Englonde with the Fruyte of Tymes realizada a instancias de Catalina de Aragón, reina de Inglaterra, en 1509. Mandada completar por ésta hasta su llegada a Inglaterra, el traductor tuvo que echar mano de las fuentes más diversas. El trabajo analiza, en primer lugar, qué fuentes empleó Rodrigo de Cuero para la elaboración de su obra; en segundo lugar, se ocupa de cómo organizó el material y confeccionó las dos versiones conservadas (manuscritos Escorial y Salamanca); y, en tercer y último lugar, se centra en el tratamiento de los reyes ingleses anteriores a Enrique VIII y Catalina de Aragón (Enrique VI, Eduardo IV, Eduardo V, Ricardo III y Enrique VII).Palabras clave: Historia de Inglaterra, Rodrigo de Cuero, Cronycle of Englonde, Catalina de Aragón, 1509, Traducciones, Historiografía.Abstract: Rodrigo de Cuero’s Historia de Inglaterra is a translation into Castilian of the Cronycle of Englonde with the Fruyte of Tymes made at the request of Catherine of Aragon, Queen of England, in 1509. Asked with the responsibility of completing the chronicle until her arrival at England, the translator had to draw on the most diverse sources. The paper analyses, firstly, what sources Rodrigo de Cuero used for the elaboration of his work; secondly, it deals with how he organized the material and made the two preserved versions (Escorial and Salamanca manuscripts); and, thirdly and last, it focuses on the treatment of the English kings before Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon (Henry VI, Edward IV, Edward V, Richard III and Henry VII).Keywords: Historia de Inglaterra, Rodrigo de Cuero, Cronycle of Englonde, Catherine of Aragon, 1509, Translations, Historiography.


1875 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. i-xlviii
Author(s):  
William Douglas Hamilton
Keyword(s):  

In its main features this History may be described as a continuation of “The Customes of London,” by Richard Arnold, from which the earlier portion, i.e. as far as the 11th year of Henry VIII., is a mere plagiarism. After that date the Chronicle becomes original, and contains much valuable information. From internal evidence it would appear to be the work of a scholar, and to have been written contemporaneously, the events being jotted down from day to day as they occurred. The characteristic of City Chronicles is maintained throughout by the adoption of the civic year, marking the term of office of each Lord Mayor instead of the regnal year of the sovereign, thus causing an apparent confusion in the chronology. This form was probably adopted by our author as he found it already employed by Richard Arnold, whose reign of Henry VII.


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