Chapter 4: Right Node Raising and Extraction

Keyword(s):  
Lingua ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 115 (4) ◽  
pp. 503-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronnie Cann ◽  
Ruth Kempson ◽  
Lutz Marten ◽  
Masayuki Otsuka

Author(s):  
Norbert Corver ◽  
Marjo van Koppen

This chapter discusses ellipsis in Dutch and the dialects of Dutch. It provides detailed information on the major types of ellipsis as they have been presented in Part III of this handbook: gapping and stripping, predicate ellipsis (VP-ellipsis and pseudogapping), Conjunction Reduction and Right-Node Raising, sluicing, fragments, nominal ellipsis, Comparative Deletion, and Null Complement Anaphora. It discusses the main insights from the literature as well as new observations with respect to these constructions. The final section shows that the Dutch dialects display an enormous amount of variation concerning ellipsis constructions. In particular, it examines the variation in NP-ellipsis with possessive, demonstrative, and adjectival remnants and variation with respect to sluicing.


Syntax ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick Georg Grosz
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Shûichi Yatabe

The result of questionnaire studies are presented which shows (i) that conjuncts are scope islands in Japanese and (ii) that left-node raising can nullify such scope islands. This finding confirms the theory advanced in Yatabe (2001), in which semantic composition is almost entirely carried out within order domains, and arguably contradicts the theory proposed in Beavers and Sag (2004), which introduces a mechanism called Optional Quantifier Merger to deal with the fact that right-node raising and left-node raising can have semantic effects.


Author(s):  
Shûichi Yatabe

In this paper, it is demonstrated that there is a phenomenon that can be viewed as a mirror image of medial right-node raising and thus might be designated as medial left-node raising, and it is argued that the properties of this phenomenon are consistent with the predictions of the HPSG-based theory of non-constituent coordination first proposed in Yatabe (2001) and modified in later works such as Yatabe (2015).


Author(s):  
Teruhiko Fukaya

This chapter provides an overview of, while examining various proposals for, ellipsis in Japanese. Fragments are examined, and it is claimed to be reasonable to assume that stripping, sluicing, and ellipsis in comparatives are a uniform phenomenon while short answers are distinct. It is also argued that the properties of Right-Node Raising can be best captured by a non-constituent string deletion analysis. Three approaches to null arguments are examined, and shortcomings in each are discussed. N’-deletion is then explored and claimed to be ambiguous between two structural possibilities: ellipsis and non-ellipsis. VP-ellipsis, gapping, and pseudo-gapping are also touched upon. One significant aspect of the ellipsis phenomena in Japanese illustrated in this chapter is that the presence and absence of a case-marker plays a crucial role, with case-marked and non-case-marked fragments being analyzed as instances of surface anaphora and deep anaphora, respectively. This indicates the importance of focusing on case-marked versions in the syntactic investigation of these phenomena.


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