4. The Fenian Brotherhood, Naturalization, and Expatriation: Irish Americans and Anglo-American Comity

2017 ◽  
pp. 97-128
1968 ◽  
Vol 16 (61) ◽  
pp. 64-90 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan J. Ward

The United States census of 1910 revealed that there were four and a half million people in the United States who had beenborn in Ireland, or who had at least one Irish-born parent. The figures did not reveal that many other Americans identified themselves with Ireland, the country of their grandparents, or even of their great-grandparents, and it was not unusual for Irish-American leaders at that time to claim the support of fifteen or twenty million fellow Irish-Americans. A great many of these had, indeed, managed to retain a sense of Irish identity and this was in part because they, or their forebears, had largely settled together in Irish ghettos in large cities. In addition they had been forced inwards to their Irish community for support when persecuted by the ‘ Know-nothings ’ and other nativist groups in the nineteenth century. This Irish subculture in which they lived was cultivated by three groups of fellow Irish-Americans who had an interest in promoting an Irish-American community, the better to control and command the Irish-Americans themselves; the Roman Catholic Church, which was very much an Irish Catholic Church in America, the Irish political bosses, interested in political power rather than Ireland, who had risen to power in the Democratic party by their ability to control the Irish vote, and a third group which utilized the audience they both nurtured, the Irish nationalists. The skill with which these nationalists mobilized Irish-Americans in support of Ireland’s claim to independence added an important dimension to the British government’s Irish problem for it became a problem for successive American governments too. As long as Ireland remained tied to England there were in America men and women prepared to emulate John Mitchel who had declared, when he first landed in New York in November 1853, that he intended to make use of the freedom guaranteed him in America to stimulate the movement for Irish independence. It is the object of this paper to review, albeit briefly and incompletely, the significance of the activities of these Irish-American nationalists in the struggle for Irish freedom and in the development of Anglo-American relations during the period from the Boer war, which began in October 1899, to the Anglo-Irish treaty of December 1921.


2010 ◽  
Vol 53 (4) ◽  
pp. 963-982 ◽  
Author(s):  
LAURENCE FENTON

ABSTRACTThis article examines the prelude to, and machinations surrounding, the arrest, trial, and expulsion from America of Charles Rowcroft, the British consul in Cincinnati. Rowcroft's difficulties were a direct consequence of the conniving of Irish-American nationalists in the region during the Crimean War. The article places these events in Cincinnati against a backdrop of intense Anglo-American diplomatic distrust. It also highlights the exaggerated Hibernophobic response of some British officials in the United States. A study of Irish-American nationalism during the 1850s, bridging the historical and historiographical gap between the 1848 Young Ireland rebellion and the beginnings of Fenianism, has long been wanting. This article is a first, important step toward filling that void, elucidating the hitherto hidden extent of Irish-American agitation during the Crimean War.


Author(s):  
Jonathan Conlin

In 1881, E. A. Freeman sailed across the Atlantic, one of a number of British historians, scientists, and literary figures to tour the United States in the period between the Civil War and 1900. For Freeman the financial rewards of touring were balanced by onerous press scrutiny and unwelcome competition from rival celebrities, notably Oscar Wilde. Freeman’s lectures were intended to remind his American audiences of what he insisted was a shared Anglo-American history, one founded in racialist celebration of the birthright of free Teutons. Although resisted by Irish-Americans and those who insisted on American exceptionalism, Freeman’s views were shared by fellow Britons such as James Bryce and Charles Kingsley, as well as by founding fathers of the history as an academic discipline in the United States. This view reassured Britons concerned at the rise of the United States and shaped the understanding of the ‘special relationship’ in both countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 247 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-112
Author(s):  
David Sim

Abstract This article tracks and analyses the history of bonds issued by the Fenian Brotherhood in the 1860s to argue that US Americans could take part in a marketplace in distant revolutions in the mid-nineteenth century. In this period, various, disparate nationalist groups issued bonds, suggesting a commonly understood method of generating funds, sustaining sentimental attachment, and projecting the authority of authentic nation-states. The Civil War-era United States was a particularly fertile environment for the issuance of such bonds because of its traditions of free banking, the ease with which bonds might be floated to a public increasingly au fait with their operation, and a broad rhetorical sympathy with the distant revolutions for which these bonds stood. The debt these bonds represented acted as a sentimental form of ‘special money’ and, for Irish-Americans, as for other immigrant communities in the United States, they allowed participation in a transnational movement without ever leaving their immediate neighbourhood. Tracing their issuance and circulation, then, allows us to write a material, sentimental and social history of everyday transnationalism and anti-imperialism in the mid-nineteenth century. For later generations, this sentimental quality could and did devolve into a more immediately financial form, and the article concludes by identifying the redemption of these bonds as a significant step in legitimating the new Irish republic to a US audience.


Author(s):  
Sabine N. Meyer

This conclusion ponders the question of whether we are really what we drink by reviewing the insights gained from the analysis of the interwoven and constantly interacting identity discourses, among them ethnic identity, gender, class, civic and religious identity, within Minnesota's temperance movement and by reflecting on the repercussions of these insights on our understanding of identity. The temperance movement served as a catalyst of ethnic identity construction and negotiation for both German and Irish Americans. It caused German Americans to invent and Irish Americans to renegotiate their ethnic identities and to reposition themselves in the Anglo-American society. Intense intraethnic debates on the role of liquor and liquor consumption and the many exhortations and appeals of Irish American temperance reformers fractured long-held beliefs that excessive alcohol consumption was respectable and an integral constituent of Irishness. The campaigns for or against liquor also contributed to the construction of a female public identity and influenced the shape of civic identity in Minnesota.


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