O genezie „cielesnych” motywów w twórczości Mariny Cwietajewej

It is difficult to form a coherent conception of Marina Tsvetaeva’s considerations about the body, as sometimes they contradict each other and sometimes they complement each other. However, they were changing as new experiences were accumulated. From the idea that the body is like a wall or an obstacle in the way, Tsvetaeva moves to the idea of the body as a separate zone of her personality, where freedom and democracy go along with subjection, and where the rigorous part of the personality – soul is to be subdued. When the poet starts to lose contact with the body, when she becomes convinced that she no longer can identify with it, she experiences a stormy passion in which she hopes to complete her own incarnation. However, she comes to the conclusion that the nature of her body is flawed and the signs of gender are not proper. She consciously resigns from love, claiming that love and creativity cannot be reconciled. Her body bothers her, it seems to cast a veil on the true reality, which is invisible and “by which one thinks”. After another period of her soul and body disassociation, she comes to the conclusion that she did not know her body at all.

3. Liberalism and foreign policy

This chapter examines the implications of liberalism for foreign policy and foreign policy analysis. Liberal countries have long been known to maintain peaceful relations with each other. Liberal democracies tend to respect and accommodate other democratic countries and negotiate rather than escalate their inter-liberal disputes. However, liberalism can also exacerbate tensions with non-liberal states. The chapter first considers what scholars have meant by liberalism before describing the major features of liberal foreign relations and the three schools of liberal foreign policy analysis: individualist, commercial, and republican. It then explores the effects of liberalism on the international relations of liberal states: incentives for a separate zone of peace among liberal states, imprudent aggression against nonliberals, and complaisance in vital matters of security and economic cooperation. It concludes with reflections on preserving and expanding the liberal peace — while avoiding war with the wider non-liberal world.