SARS-CoV-2 detection in setting of viral swab scarcity: are MRSA swabs and viral swabs equivalent?

BackgroundThe global pandemic of Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome-Related Coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV2) has resulted in unprecedented challenges for healthcare systems. One barrier to widespread testing has been a paucity of traditional respiratory viral swab collection kits relative to the demand. Whether other sample collection kits, such as widely available MRSA nasal swabs can be used to detect SARS-CoV-2 is unknown.MethodsWe compared simultaneous nasal MRSA swabs (COPAN ESwabs ® 480C flocked nasal swab in 1mL of liquid Amies medium) and virals wabs (BD H192(07) flexible mini-tip flocked nasopharyngeal swabs in 3mL Universal Transport Medium) for SARS-CoV-2 PCR testing using Simplexa COVID-19 Direct assay on patients over a 4-day period. When the results were discordant, the viral swab sample was run again on the Cepheid Xpert Xpress ® SARS-CoV-2 assay.ResultsOf the 81 included samples, there were 19 positives and 62 negatives in viral media and 18 positives and 63 negative in the MRSA swabs. Amongst all included samples, there was concordance between the COPAN ESwabs ® 480C and the viral swabs in 78 (96.3%).ConclusionWe found a high rate of concordance in test results between COPAN ESwabs ® 480C in Amies solution and BD H192(07) nasopharyngeal swabs in in 3 mL of Universal Viral Transport medium viral media. Clinicians and laboratories should feel better informed and assured using COPAN ESwabs ® 480C to help in the diagnosis of COVID-19.

JIHAD PENISTA AGAMA JIHAD NKRI; Analisa Teori Hegemoni Antonio Gramsci terhadap Fenomena Dakwah Radikal di Media Online

This article will explore new trends of Islamic radicalism dakwah trough Jihad against penista agama (Ahok) as part of jihad NKRI. Trend of radical dakwah in online viral media is interesting researched, regardless of the importance of the election, or Khilafah and NKRI bersyariah on the other side. The purpose of this research is to know the trend of radical dakwah in online viral media by calling jihad against penista agama as part of jihad NKRI and how the implication of this dakwah. Questions from this study will be studied using the theory of domination of interests (hegemony), given the war of position of the radicals is to seize the hegemony of society through viral online media. In the conclusion, the use of the term Jihad against penista agama, as well as political branding that radical groups maintain the integrity of the NKRI is a hegemonic form to defeat the moderate, tolerant, and plural cultural power of Muslims. Those with the intellectual actors behind them, realizing that in order to gain legitimacy the religious power must collaborate with the MUI (fatwa institution), then play social media to invite all to participate and counter discourse. After that, share with interested politicians to advocate on the idea he was proposing. Finally, they use symbolic slogans of Islam to bring Muslims to the struggle that they do.

HOAXS KASUS RATNA SARUMPAET

Kasus Ratna sarumpaet merupakan menyebarkan berita hoax melalui pertama kali viral media sosial facebook akun yang menyebar melalui facebook Swary Utami Dewi Yang berisi tangkapan layar dari aplikasi pesan WhatsApp pada 2 Oktober 2018 serta foto Ratna.Ratna Sarumpaet mengaku dianiaya sejumlah orang di Bandung, Jawa Barat pada Selasa 21 September 2018.Semua manusia tak luput dari kesalahan,untuk dapat tidak melakukan kebohongan atau tindakan yang kurang baik lagi,Ratna Sarumpaet dapat melakukan refleksi hati nurani menurut buku Filsafat Moral.Semua tindakan atau prilaku tidak dapat hilang jika tidak dilakukan dengan setiap hari sampai menjadi karakter.

Feeling Fear, Feeling Queer: The Peril and Potential of Queer Terror

This essay considers what we are calling queer terror, an affective condition not limited to LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender) or other minoritarian subjects, and its relationship to fear, hate, and factionalism (or isolationism). That is, queer terror is both terror against queer subjects and a queering of terror culture itself. We ask whether, through the act and its viral media representations, queer terror creates minoritarian public sphere that can be shared by queer people of color (QPOC) and allies alike. This affectively queer allyship begins with a racially and queerly attentive politics and seeks community both in response to and as a refusal of the kinds of terror that made Orlando possible.