2016 ◽  
Vol 37 ◽  
pp. 59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bina Gandhi Deori

<p>The Galos are one among many tribes inhabiting the mountainous terrain of Arunachal Pradesh, located in the foothills of the Himalayas in North-East India. The traditional subsistence practice of the Galos<em> </em>includes swidden cultivation popularly known as <em>jhummin</em>g in North-East India, animal husbandry and gathering. The paper discusses in detail the indigenous foodways of the Galos and how it pose challenges to the archaeology of the food in the region.</p><p>Keywords: Arunachal Pradesh, Galo tribe, indigenous, foodways</p>


Author(s):  
Peter Klepeis ◽  
Colin Vance

From the modern settlement of the southern Yucatán peninsular region to the present, smallholder farmers have followed a system of cultivation variously labeled swidden, slash-and-burn, or shifting within agricultural typologies (Watters 1971; but see Denevan 1992), and known as milpa in the Yucatán and Maya lowlands. Milpa cultivation has been so pervasive historically and geographically throughout the peninsula and the subject of such an extensive literature, that its description is only briefly reviewed here. Understanding the character and dynamics of this system of cultivation, including its long-term prognosis for continued use within the development of the region, is essential for understanding land changes and modeling them, although recent changes in cropping strategies portend the emergence of a ‘new’ kind of milpa. Swidden cultivation in the region, as elsewhere in Middle America, is invariably undertaken as an outfield activity—located at some distance from the farmstead—and is accompanied by small but complex housegardens or solares adjacent to and surrounding the house (e.g. Killion 1992; but see Gómez-Pompa 1987). The house-garden not only provides shade for the abode, it provides fruits, nuts, medicinal and ornamental plants, and a place for cropping experiments (Keys 1999). The extent and elaboration of house-gardens in the southern Yucatán peninsular region appears to be tied to the length of residency and, perhaps, ethnicity of the resident. Maya people, for example, tend to maintain large and elaborate solares. House-gardens tend to be smaller, even unrecognizable to the untrained eye, in the few densely settled communities in the region (e.g. Xpujil). As these gardens are not yet a central element of the broader dynamic of land change in the region, they are not given further attention here. The outfield or swidden supplies maize (Zea mays L.), planted in several varieties and serving as the consumption staple. Depending on the household, some portion of the maize crop may be sold. This ‘dual’ production function has been part of swidden in the region at least since the opening of Highway 186, reflecting government policy promoting commercial maize production (Ch. 7) and the abundant land awarded to individual ejidatarios at that time.


Author(s):  
William Balée

Indigeneity is the living heritage of traditional peoples. It includes not only their languages and cultures but their transformational etchings on landscapes—not just alterations in the form of inanimate structural changes of the substrate, as in the construction of earthworks and edifices, but sometimes changing the composition of the living flora and fauna. Archaeology is crucial to the identification of indigeneity in the past and in the analysis of landscapes and seascapes associated with it. Landscape transformations, from the perspective of historical ecology, refer to the turnover in species of given locales because of human-mediated disturbance. Primary landscape transformation denotes complete species turnover, whereas secondary landscape transformation denotes partial species turnover. In both cases, substrate alterations occur, but in primary landscape transformation these are qualitatively more profound. In order to understand landscape transformations, we might begin with consideration of geographer Carl Sauer’s comment (1963 [1925]: 333) that ‘We cannot form an idea of landscape except in terms of its time relations as well as of its space relations. It is in continuous process of development or of dissolution and replacement.’ Indigeneity is one of the factors involved in dissolution and replacement, which I refer to as ‘transformation’. Landscapes created in the past through mechanisms rooted in indigeneity are often called the ‘built environment’ by archaeologists. In many tropical forests, including those of Greater Amazonia, the Atlantic Coastal Forest, West Africa, Central Africa, Malesia, and Micronesia, both primary and secondary landscape transformations have noticeably affected the distribution of plant and animal species. In some cases, with specific reference to primary landscape transformation, entire forests came into existence, such as in the Llanos de Mojos, Bolivia and in Guinea, West Africa (see Fairhead, Chapter 16 this volume for more detailed discussion of anthropogenic forests in West Africa). Secondary landscape transformation occurred in the context of ancient settlements, the alteration of ridge tops, swidden cultivation, and resource management, such as in Pre-Amazonian forests of Eastern Brazil, Central African forests, and various forests of Malesia.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document