Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher: A Not So “Special” Relationship?

Author(s):  
James Cooper
2010 ◽  
pp. 159-163
Author(s):  
Sally-Ann Treharne

Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan made a formidable team in the international political environment of the 1980s. Their close working and indeed personal relationship shaped the future of Western European defence, facilitated the eventual fall of Communism, and brought international recognition to the Anglo-American Special Relationship. It was a testimony to a joint commitment to a renewal in transatlantic relations following a lull in the 1970s. Both leaders had vastly different personalities with Mrs. Thatcher often portrayed as Reagan’s proverbial ‘poodle’ in such satirical shows as the infamous Spitting Image. However, in reality the relationship was in many ways led by the British Prime Minister who was willing to assert her considerable influence over her American counterpart at any given opportunity. The relationship ore, was indeed ‘Special’. It went beyond the normal political protocol associated with bilateral cooperation and consultation. It was a relationship that endured many highs and lows ...


Author(s):  
Andrew Sanders

The election of Ronald Reagan in 1980 reinforced one of the most famous international alliances, often known as the “special relationship”, and this chapter explores the ways in which Reagan was often caught between the direction of the US Congress, in particular Speaker of the House Tip O’Neill and Senator Ted Kennedy, and British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher. The changing dynamics of the conflict in Northern Ireland saw electoral politics rise to prominence, particularly following the 1981 hunger strike that saw ten republican prisoners starve to death, with two of the men elected to public office in London and Dublin. The influence of both O’Neill and Reagan on the 1985 Anglo Irish Agreement, a significant moment in the developing peace process, is also examined in this chapter, as is the issue of the extradition of IRA on-the-runs from the US to the UK.


Author(s):  
Stuard Holland

One of the premises of rising neoliberalism from the 1980s had been the claim of Ronald Reagan that government is the problem not the solution, readily endorsed, in parallel, by Margaret Thatcher on coming into government. Drawing on a range of international examples this paper shows that this was utterly uninformed, that deregulation of finance in the US led to the worst financial crisis in 2008 since 1929 and that Thatcher's scrapping of the 1970s Labour governments' industrial policy instruments led to major de-industrialisation in the UK which influenced the 'No' vote in the 2016 referendum on whether Britain should remain in the European Union. While the US nonetheless pursued an industrial policy by stealth which promoted a range of advanced technology corporations and that Germany, embodying liberal market principles after WW2, recently has endorsed the case for not only a German but also European industrial policy and led in advocating a European Green New Deal modelled on the Roosevelt New Deal which recovered the US from The Depression of the early 1930s and convinced Truman to support the Marshall Aid programme that also recovered Western Europe after the cataclysm of WW2.


Author(s):  
Jean De Munck

En Europa como en América Latina, la crisis del Estado constituye una profunda amenaza sobre las políticas sociales. En Chile, el golpe de Estado de 1973 marca la muerte abrupta del modelo del Estado rector y redistribuidor que, desde la década del 40 hasta el gobierno del presidente Salvador Allende, había orientado la política democrática. Retrospectivamente, el proceso chileno aparece como la caricatura brutal, concentrada y exorbitante de un proceso generalizado y difuso que afecta a todo el Occidente. Durante más de diez años, Margaret Thatcher, Ronald Reagan o George Bush llevaron a cabo una política de destrucción sistemática del Estado Benefactor. Y todos los países de Europa están hoy día bajo el apremio de múltiples factores, que los han impulsado a revisar las formas de ayuda social que fueron desarrolladas por ellos durante más de cincuenta años. El Estado de Bienestar parece haberse vuelto obsoleto. La cuestión de fondo es determinar si la obsolescencia de una cierta modalidad del Estado Benefactor, debe significar el fin de todo proyecto político de justicia social; y si la evidente inadecuación de las formas clásicas (keynesianas, fordianas, beveridgeanas...) de política reguladora, debe traducirse en el término de cualquier otra política social voluntarista. Las derechas neo-liberales y neo-conservadoras responden encantadas de manera afirmativa a estos cuestionamientos. La izquierda clásica defiende contra viento y marea, un viejo discurso que esconde mal su inadecuación fundamental. No obstante, una tercera respuesta es todavía posible: se trata de intentar corregir y reformular el proyecto del Estado de Bienestar desde una perspectiva que se adapte a los nuevos desafíos económicos e ideológicos de la modernidad. Esta tercera vía podría consistir, por ejemplo, en preguntarse sobre las nuevas necesidades sociales de los individuos y de las colectividades, y en redefinir los valores que deben orientar la política social post-industrial. El artículo que se presenta a continuación inspirado en la realidad belga, constituye una contribución a esta tentativa de refundación del proyecto del Estado de Bienestar. A través de él se intentan dilucidar las mutaciones del discurso de la ayuda social en Europa, a partir de los discursos de los propios actores. En este marco, lo que se trata es de hacer emerger algunos componentes del nuevo dispositivo de ayuda que podrían volver a imprimir un impulso renovado al proyecto político de justicia social. Este artículo está escrito con la conciencia que en la ausencia de un proyecto de esta naturaleza, una sociedad moderna no merece el apelativo de "democrática".


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document