Conclusion

The final chapter contextualizes past crackups in both parties and explains why this time is different. As shown in case studies about Dwight Eisenhower, Richard Nixon, and Bill Clinton, it has been possible for candidates to create a new party synthesis that papers over the divides between those defending the current orthodoxy and those trying to shift direction. This time is different because the institutions that evolved over the last two centuries for controlling the power of those in charge of the national government are no longer adequate to the challenge. Each Republican Speaker of the House since 2000 has had less ability to develop consensus as more and more representatives are financed by groups unwilling to compromise. Despite the rampant anti-partyism saturating our public discussions, it is precisely the ability of parties to work within their diverse interests and find common ground for legislation that is essential to the future of the United States. Rebuilding the parties will require strengthening party legislative leaders, doing more screening of presidential candidates, and changing IRS regulations to prevent major donors from hiding their identity and the motives behind their ads.

The COVID States Project #15: Public support for a fifth COVID-19 relief package

To date, Congress has passed four COVID-19 relief packages totaling about $3 trillion, the most recent of which, the CARES Act, was passed on March 27th, 2020. The House of Representatives subsequently passed the $3 trillion Heroes Act on May 15th. The Senate has yet to take up the legislation or pass a fifth bill of its own. Throughout the summer, the House, Senate, and White House have engaged in on-again, off-again talks aimed at agreeing on a fifth relief package. The Senate has consistently favored a smaller bill, ranging from $500 billion to $1 trillion. Most recently, the House introduced a revised bill valued at about $2.2 trillion. The White House, represented by Steven Mnuchin, along with the Speaker of the House, Nancy Pelosi, have resumed negotiations over the shape of the package.While both sides claim to support such a package, they disagree not only on the amount, but also on the targets for this funding. Democrats favor a combination of direct payments to Americans, extended unemployment insurance, and aid to hospitals, schools, small businesses, the Post Office, and state and local governments. Republicans oppose aid to state and local governments and favor more limited unemployment insurance benefits.But what does the public think? We surveyed 20,315 respondents between September 4-27, 2020 on attitudes regarding the next COVID-19 relief bill. We asked respondents if they supported such a bill, as well as the types of relief they believed it should include. We also probed whether or not they had received the $300-$400 supplemental unemployment benefit authorized by President Trump’s executive order of August 5th.

Proces legislacyjny na sejmach w czasach Jana III Sobieskiego (1674–1696)

Out of a total of 12 Sejms which assembled during the reign of Jan III Sobieski (1674–96), half passed constitutions (laws). At that time the legislative initiative belonged predominantly to the monarch and the nobility (via sejmiks instructions), although other persons could also present projects of constitutions in the form of supplications. The king’s programme proposed in pre-Sejm documents was rather sparse, with Jan III attempting to avoid controversial points, which he promoted unofficially through the intermediary of the sejmiks, at which his adherents guarded the interests of the royal court. The distinctive feature of parliamentary work carried out during this period was a transference of the burden of the debate on the creation of law to the time of the conclusions (debates held by joint estates), which instead of the statutory five days lasted for as much as over ten weeks or more. For this reason participants in the debate included also senators and the king. The characteristic aspect of the debates as such was their extremely low efficacy – the outcome of the fact that particular constitutions had to be accepted by all persons attending the Sejm sessions and the increasingly frequent blocking of debates by members of particular political camps since absolute unanimity also as regards procedural issues remained binding. In 1679 the opposition managed to introduce an obligatory oath to be sworn by the marshal of the Sejm (speaker of the house) and constitution legislators (who edited the final texts of constitutions) – this was to limit the king’s influence in the Chamber of Deputies. The new regulation, however, did not produce actual benefits, and the scale of deceptions committed in the course of post-Sejm sessions held by the constitution deputation was much larger than in previous years. The last years of the reign of Jan III brought a progressive obstruction of Sejm debates, and in the 1690s resulted in the paralysis of this institution.

A Lobbyist's Dilemma

Georgia Lobbyist, Jet Toney, didn't know what to do. There were 11 days left in the 2020 Georgia legislative session and the Governor, Lieutenant Governor, and Speaker of the House had decided, due to the rapid spread of COVID-19, to suspend the session to a time indeterminate. This had never happened, not even in wartime. Jet's oldest client, the Georgia Independent Colleges Association had a budget item and a bill they needed Jet to handle before the Session adjourned. Jet watched all his hard work evaporate as all 236 House and Senate Members scattered back across the state. With all no longer under the Capitol Gold Dome, what options did Jet have to preserve his successes and forge new ones?

A Smoking Club

The smokers in this caricature of 1793 are: (from left to right) Henry Addington, 1st Viscount Sidmouth (1757-1844), speaker of the House of Commons; William Pitt (1759-1806), Tory Prime Minister; Charles James Fox (1749-1806), leader of the Whig party; Henry Dundas, 1st Viscount Melville (1742-1811), secretary of state; Richard Brinsley Sheridan (1751-1816), dramatist and Whig orator. That the protagonists are blowing smoke into each others’ faces which is indicative of their hostility in debate. The caricature was published twelve days after France had declared war on Britain—a war that would last, with an interlude for the Treaty of Amiens, until 1815.

Mongolia and Сanada relationship :

This article discusses the relationship between Mongolia and Canada Mongolia’s “third neighbor”, key partner, and member of G7, G20, NATO, APEC. Canada recognized Mongolia in 1964 de facto and two parties established diplomatic relations on November 30, 1973 de jure. Canada has been one of the strong supporters of the democratic processes and market economic changes that began in Mongolia in the early 1990’s. Mongolia opened its Embassy to Canada in Ottawa in December 2001, and the Embassy of Canada to Mongolia was opened in Ulaanbaatar in September 2008. The two countries are in close cooperation in political, trade and economic, developmental, education and defense spheres and particularly in mining sector. Legal framework of Mongolia and Canada Expanded Partnership was established in October 2004. Right Honorable Mr. David Johnston, Governor General of Canada, paid a state visit to Mongolia on October 2013, which was of a significant importance. During the visit of Geoff Regan, Speaker of the House of Commons of Canada in September 2016 in Mongolia it was agreed to step up level of bilateral relations into extended partnership towards comprehensive partnership. Монгол-Канадын харилцаа, хамтын ажиллагаа: Өргөн хүрээтэй түншлэлээс иж бүрэн түншлэлийн зүгт Хураангуй: Энэхүү өгүүлэлд Монгол Улсын “гуравдагч хөрш”, чухаг түнш, Долоогийн бүлэг, 20-ийн бүлэг, НАТО болон АПЕК-ийн гишүүн Канад ба Монгол Улсын харилцаа, хамтын ажиллагааны тухай өгүүлнэ. Монгол, Канад нь 1973 оны 11 дүгээр сарын 30-нд дипломат харилцаа тогтоосон бөгөөд, Монгол Улс 2001 оны 12 дугаар сард Оттава хотноо, Канад улс 2008 онд Улаанбаатар хотноо ЭСЯ-аа харилцан нээсэн билээ. Канад нь 1990-ээд оны эхнээс Монгол Улсад өрнөсөн ардчилсан үйл явц, зах зээлийн эдийн засгийн өөрчлөлтийг идэвхтэй дэмжиж ирсэн юм. Хоёр талын хамтын ажиллагаа улс төр, худалдаа-эдийн засаг, хөгжлийн хамтын ажиллагаа, боловсрол, батлан хамгаалах салбарт ойр дөт хөгжиж байна. 2004 оны 10 дугаар сард Монгол, Канадын “Өргөн хүрээтэй түншлэл”-ийн эрхзүйн үндэс тавигдсан. 2013 оны 10 дугаар сард Канад улсын Амбан захирагч эрхэмсэг ноён Давид Жонстон Монголд айлчилсан нь чухал ач холбогдолтой болов. 2016 оны 9 дүгээр сард Канадын парламентын Нийтийн танхимын дарга Жиофф Реган Монголд айлчлах үеэр хоёр талын “өргөн хүртээтэй түншлэл”- ийг “иж бүрэн түншлэл”-ийн түвшинд шат ахиулах талаар санал нэгдсэн болно. Түлхүүр үгс: дипломат харилцаа, хамтын ажиллагаа, өргөн хүрээтэй түншлэл, “гуравдагч хөрш”, хэлэлцээр, айлчилал, элчин сайдын яам, найрсаг харилцаа, тунхаглал, иж бүрэн түншлэл.

BAD ATTACHMENTS: EMAIL AND QUEER ANTI-CENSORSHIP PROTESTS

This paper examines a 1996 U.S. internet censorship protest that encouraged users to email a series of technically “indecent” files as attachments to Speaker of the House Newt Gingrich using an online email generator. These attachments were: a list of abortion clinics, a graphic illustration of condom-use instructions, and excerpted sexually explicit scenes from Gingrich’s own novel, 1945. Selecting from a drop-down menu, senders chose their attachments, completed a personalized message, and clicked send, all within a web-based form. By using the platform to inundate the Speaker’s email with attachments, senders cleverly broke the censorship provisions of the 1996 Communications Decency Act (CDA), putting themselves at risk to the criminalization of sexual expression online. The “bad attachments” protest grew out of the fact that online information about sexuality was vital to marginalized communities with limited access to other kinds of information channels—including queer and rural youth, and people living with HIV. This paper argues that the protest attachments constitute a queer, material digital practice, attuned to the political demand for ready information access as a means of survival.