Particle stranding ellipsis involves PF-deletion

2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 357-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yosuke Sato ◽  
Masako Maeda
Keyword(s):  
Pf Deletion

Focus Position for Stripping Remnant

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 221
Author(s):  
Mohammad Ali Al Zahrani ◽  
Khulud Helal Al Thagafi
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Current Paper ◽  
Focus Position ◽  
Focus Movement ◽  
The One ◽  
Syntactic Properties ◽  
Pf Deletion ◽  
Minimalist Framework

The current paper examines the syntactic properties of HA stripping: a type of ellipsis. Within the Minimalist framework, the paper adopts the PF-Deletion approach to show that stripping in HA is derived firstly by the movement of the remnant constituent from TP to Focus Position (FP), and, secondly, by the deletion of the TP. These two operations are licensed by the Ellipsis feature (E) located in the focus head F°. Thus, on the one hand, the paper contributes to the existing body of literature supporting the hotly-debated issues on the movement of the stripping remnants, and on the other, enriches the very minimal HA studies on ellipsis. The findings show that HA stripped constituents must move to Spec, FP, before the TP- deletion process. Two pieces of evidence in support of the focus movement to FP spring from Island sensitivity and p-stranding facts in HA.

Islands and LF-movement in Greek sluicing

2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Pf Deletion

AbstractThis paper investigates the interaction of island insensitivities and form-identity effects in sluicing, and examines the consequences of these for the architecture of ellipsis resolution. On the basis of a number of novel facts from Greek, it is argued that current approaches, both PF-deletion and LF-copying, are inadequate. The present data instead motivate a revised LF-copying approach which relies on the scoping movement of indefinites at LF and þ-chain uniformity.

PF deletion within Chinese DPs

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 226-251
Author(s):  
Liching Livy Chiu
Keyword(s):  
Internal Structure ◽  
Mandarin Chinese ◽  
Functional Elements ◽  
Empty Category ◽  
Empty Categories ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Pf Deletion

Abstract The aim of this paper is to study the empty categories which may exist inside the Chinese DP domain. The primary discussion concerns an empty category which results from the deletion of NP. This paper introduces a novel observation that equation sentences with a “Modifier- Empty-NP” object can only result from ellipsis, and cannot be a base-generated pro-Form in Mandarin Chinese. I further show that the rich array of functional elements and modifications in the internal structure of the Chinese DP can aid linguists in ascertaining the domain over which deletion happens.

Recomplementation and locality of movement in Spanish

Probus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julio Villa-García
Keyword(s):  
Deletion Analysis ◽  
Left Periphery ◽  
Pf Deletion

Abstract The paper investigates recomplementation (i.e. double-complementizer) constructions in Spanish and provides a number of arguments in favor of analyzing secondary que as the head of TopicP in the left periphery. The paper further examines left-dislocated phrases occurring between overt complementizers and lays out the proposal that sandwiched dislocates are not moved into but merged in the specifier of TopicP, which is headed by secondary que (or its null counterpart). Likewise, it is shown that extraction across double-que constructions is prevented by locality of movement (i.e. any movement operation across secondary que is illicit). The paper argues that the locality effects induced by movement across secondary que are reminiscent of the notorious English Comp-t phenomenon. Drawing on the Rescue-by-PF-Deletion analysis of the ameliorating effect of ellipsis on island violations, the paper provides an account of the contrast between ungrammatical sentences displaying extraction across secondary que and their grammatical counterparts without it.

Labeling for linearization

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-116
Author(s):  
Kensuke Takita
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Semantic Interpretation ◽  
Phase Theory ◽  
Structure Building ◽  
The Core ◽  
Precedence Relations ◽  
Pf Interface ◽  
Pf Deletion

AbstractThe primary goal of the present paper is to argue for the hypothesis that labeling is required for linearization, which is called Labeling for Linearization (LfL). To achieve this goal, it is first argued that labels are not necessary for semantic interpretation. It is then proposed that labels are necessary for linearization at the PF-interface in that they serve as a device to encode structural asymmetries that are employed to determine precedence relations, which are asymmetric as well. It is also shown that LfL can remove several problems of the original labeling framework. Building on the idea that Spell-Out applies to the whole phase but not its subpart, it is illustrated that the LfL-based analysis can solve the problem concerning the variable ways of applying Spell-Out, which arises in the standard phase theory. Extending the LfL-based framework to Japanese, a novel analysis of particle-stranding ellipsis is also proposed. Incorporating some insights of recent approaches that particle-stranding ellipsis arises through a PF-deletion process, it is shown that the proposed analysis based on LfL offers a theoretically more suitable characterization of the PF-deletion process. In this way, the present article contributes to not only sharpening the core theoretical notions regarding structure building and linearization in terms of labeling but also deepening our understanding of the structure of Japanese.

On Certain Adjacency Effects in Ellipsis Contexts

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (2) ◽  
pp. 337-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Duk-Ho An
Keyword(s):  
Linear Order ◽  
Right Node Raising ◽  
Fragment Answers ◽  
Hierarchical Relations ◽  
Vp Ellipsis ◽  
Pf Deletion

In this article, I show that crosslinguistically, there is a recurring pattern in various ellipsis constructions (e.g., fragment answers, right-dislocation, right-node raising, VP-ellipsis), to the effect that parts of a remnant can be additionally deleted under adjacency to a deletion site, often ignoring constituency. I argue that the phenomenon in question follows from the fact that PF deletion, being an operation in the component determining linear order, targets linearized strings, similarly to the fact that movement, being an operation in the component determining hierarchical relations, targets constituents.

Rescue by PF Deletion, Traces as (Non)interveners, and the That-Trace Effect

2011 ◽  
Vol 42 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Željko Bošković
Keyword(s):  
Deletion Analysis ◽  
Intervention Effects ◽  
Strong Argument ◽  
Null Arguments ◽  
Relativized Minimality ◽  
Pf Deletion

The article demonstrates that the rescue-by-PF-deletion account of the amelioration effect of island violations under ellipsis, originally noted by Ross (1969), can be extended to account for the that-trace effect, including the adverb amelioration effect, and the lack of intervention effects with certain null arguments that are otherwise found with their overt counterparts, as well as to deduce the generalizations that traces do not count as interveners for relativized minimality effects and that traces void islandhood. The fact that the rescue-by-PF-deletion analysis makes it possible to unify a number of previously unrelated phenomena should be taken as a strong argument in its favor. The current extension of the rescue-by-PF-deletion approach, on which the rescue can arise not only through the deletion process involved in ellipsis but also through regular copy deletion, also accounts for the different behavior of the Superiority Condition and the Wh-Island Condition with respect to the amelioration effect under ellipsis, a surprising difference given that both of these are generally subsumed under relativized minimality effects in current research.

Fragments and structural identity on a direct interpretation approach

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-37
Author(s):  
JOANNA NYKIEL ◽  
JONG-BOK KIM
Keyword(s):  
Argument Structure ◽  
Structural Identity ◽  
Direct Interpretation ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Pf Deletion

This paper examines the relationship between merger and sprouting fragments, which are typically taken to involve clausal ellipsis. We argue that structural identity constraints on fragments and their correlates should, where appropriate, make reference to the argument structure of lexical heads in the antecedent clauses. Our proposal is spelled out as part of a direct interpretation approach to clausal ellipsis, but, in addition, it incorporates processing-based preferences as a means to motivate the contrast between merger and sprouting fragments. We propose specifically that phrases which are available to serve as correlates for fragments are maximal categories derived from the argument structure of lexical heads in the antecedents. This proposal successfully predicts form-matching effects that surface under clausal ellipsis, as well as well-known limits on clausal ellipsis regarding the morphosyntactic form of fragments. We take advantage of the fact that fragments are not embedded in unpronounced structures, which allows us to articulate a proposal that avoids the difficulty of having to simultaneously relate a fragment to the structure of the antecedent and to its own unpronounced structure, a difficulty that current PF-deletion accounts face.

The Genesis of Negative Concord: Syntax and Morphology of Negative Doubling

2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 559-612 ◽  
Author(s):  
Akira Watanabe
Keyword(s):  
General Theory ◽  
Negative Concord ◽  
The Core ◽  
Theoretical Mechanism ◽  
Semantic Identity ◽  
Feature Checking ◽  
Core Part ◽  
Pf Deletion

I show that negative concord involves checking of the neg-features prompted by the uninterpretable focus feature of concord items, recasting Haegeman and Zanuttini's (1991, 1996) original account in the general theory of feature checking. A key theoretical mechanism is feature copying, which derives the core part of Neg-Factorization and is also shown to provide the foundation for the notion of chains defined in terms of occurrences. The proposed analysis of negative concord supports Merchant's (2001) theory of ellipsis, according to which ellipsis is PF deletion and requires semantic identity. I also discuss in detail how morphology interacts with properties of negative concord, taking into account wide-ranging crosslinguistic patterns.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document