Abstract
The syntactic status of numeral classifiers with respect to NP-ellipsis in classifier languages has been a controversial subject in many recent discussions. Addressing this issue, this article argues that Korean numeral classifiers can serve as functional heads that license NP-ellipsis via PF-deletion. A null NP appearing in a numeral classifier context cannot be identified with any other null categories, such as a pro or a null NP pro-form. This null NP induces a different reading from a pro, especially when a possessor argument is stacked with a numeral classifier construction. Unlike an NP pro-form, it allows the extraction of an internal argument and exhibits a complementary distribution with kes ‘one’, a visible counterpart of a Korean NP pro-form. This article’s claim gains additional support from the asymmetries in NP-ellipsis of a uy-marked numeral classifier, contingent on its ambiguity, such as a ‘quantity’ or ‘property’ interpretation. In addition, the distribution of bare numerals in relation to the NP pro-form kes offers further evidence, reinforcing the claim.
This paper examines the relationship between merger and sprouting fragments, which are typically taken to involve clausal ellipsis. We argue that structural identity constraints on fragments and their correlates should, where appropriate, make reference to the argument structure of lexical heads in the antecedent clauses. Our proposal is spelled out as part of a direct interpretation approach to clausal ellipsis, but, in addition, it incorporates processing-based preferences as a means to motivate the contrast between merger and sprouting fragments. We propose specifically that phrases which are available to serve as correlates for fragments are maximal categories derived from the argument structure of lexical heads in the antecedents. This proposal successfully predicts form-matching effects that surface under clausal ellipsis, as well as well-known limits on clausal ellipsis regarding the morphosyntactic form of fragments. We take advantage of the fact that fragments are not embedded in unpronounced structures, which allows us to articulate a proposal that avoids the difficulty of having to simultaneously relate a fragment to the structure of the antecedent and to its own unpronounced structure, a difficulty that current PF-deletion accounts face.
The current paper examines the syntactic properties of HA stripping: a type of ellipsis. Within the Minimalist framework, the paper adopts the PF-Deletion approach to show that stripping in HA is derived firstly by the movement of the remnant constituent from TP to Focus Position (FP), and, secondly, by the deletion of the TP. These two operations are licensed by the Ellipsis feature (E) located in the focus head F°. Thus, on the one hand, the paper contributes to the existing body of literature supporting the hotly-debated issues on the movement of the stripping remnants, and on the other, enriches the very minimal HA studies on ellipsis. The findings show that HA stripped constituents must move to Spec, FP, before the TP- deletion process. Two pieces of evidence in support of the focus movement to FP spring from Island sensitivity and p-stranding facts in HA.
The present paper investigates the Hijazi Arabic (HA) morphosyntactic properties of the widely known linguistic phenomenon of sluicing from a generative perspective, taking into account the latest advancements of the Minimalist Approach (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001). In this paper, sluicing is a linguistic phenomenon of deleting an entire TP clause, leaving only a wh-remnant. Adopting the Structural PF-Deletion approach, we argue that HA employs sluicing and that the ellipsis site contains a fully-fledged syntactic structure that must be deleted at the PF level after the movement of the remnant to a higher CP. On a par with previous crosslinguistic ellipsis studies, the current study shows that ellipsis is permitted if and only if there is a specific head carrying some specific morphosyntactic properties occurring in a local relation to the ellipsis site. This specific head, with its morphosyntactic properties, licenses for the ellipsis phenomenon to occur. The head properties trigger the whword to move from its base-generated position to the specifier position of this particular head, i.e., Spec CP, and then delete all other constituents included within the TP.
Bengali has two negative markers: ni with perfects, and na everywhere else. When a perfect is elided, however, only the elsewhere form is permissible. Hence, in Bengali, ellipsis bleeds allomorphy. Ellipsis in Bengali is analysed as PF deletion, since differential object marking and quirky case are preserved out of ellipsis sites. Given these facts, this paper argues that in a Distributed Morphology framework, ellipsis in Bengali is implemented as terminal obliteration prior to Vocabulary Insertion. This contrasts with Irish, where it appears stress placement bleeds ellipsis. Some implications for the timing of ellipsis cross-linguistically are discussed.
AbstractThe primary goal of the present paper is to argue for the hypothesis that labeling is required for linearization, which is called Labeling for Linearization (LfL). To achieve this goal, it is first argued that labels are not necessary for semantic interpretation. It is then proposed that labels are necessary for linearization at the PF-interface in that they serve as a device to encode structural asymmetries that are employed to determine precedence relations, which are asymmetric as well. It is also shown that LfL can remove several problems of the original labeling framework. Building on the idea that Spell-Out applies to the whole phase but not its subpart, it is illustrated that the LfL-based analysis can solve the problem concerning the variable ways of applying Spell-Out, which arises in the standard phase theory. Extending the LfL-based framework to Japanese, a novel analysis of particle-stranding ellipsis is also proposed. Incorporating some insights of recent approaches that particle-stranding ellipsis arises through a PF-deletion process, it is shown that the proposed analysis based on LfL offers a theoretically more suitable characterization of the PF-deletion process. In this way, the present article contributes to not only sharpening the core theoretical notions regarding structure building and linearization in terms of labeling but also deepening our understanding of the structure of Japanese.
In this article, I show that crosslinguistically, there is a recurring pattern in various ellipsis constructions (e.g., fragment answers, right-dislocation, right-node raising, VP-ellipsis), to the effect that parts of a remnant can be additionally deleted under adjacency to a deletion site, often ignoring constituency. I argue that the phenomenon in question follows from the fact that PF deletion, being an operation in the component determining linear order, targets linearized strings, similarly to the fact that movement, being an operation in the component determining hierarchical relations, targets constituents.
Abstract
The aim of this paper is to study the empty categories which may exist inside the Chinese DP domain. The primary
discussion concerns an empty category which results from the deletion of NP. This paper introduces a novel
observation that equation sentences with a “Modifier- Empty-NP” object can only result from ellipsis, and cannot be a
base-generated pro-Form in Mandarin Chinese. I further show that the rich array of functional elements and modifications in the internal structure of the Chinese DP can aid linguists in ascertaining the domain over which deletion happens.
This chapter walks the reader through a range of elliptical constructions available in Polish. The choice of constructions is determined by the degree of attention they have received in the ellipsis literature. I focus on those features of these constructions that warrant an ellipsis-based approach and address, as appropriate, the extent to which they fit in with the existing theoretical approaches to ellipsis. The task of explaining the behavior of elliptical constructions, both intralinguistically and cross-linguistically, has been successfully undertaken by proponents of the PF-deletion approach to ellipsis, but Polish continues to pose a challenge for this approach in some respects.
The present paper investigates the Hijazi Arabic (HA) morphosyntactic properties of the widely known linguistic phenomenon of sluicing from a generative perspective, taking into account the latest advancements of the Minimalist Approach (Chomsky 1995, 2000, 2001). In this paper, sluicing is a linguistic phenomenon of deleting an entire TP clause, leaving only a wh-remnant. Adopting the Structural PF-Deletion approach, we argue that HA employs sluicing and that the ellipsis site contains a fully-fledged syntactic structure that must be deleted at the PF level after the movement of the remnant to a higher CP. On a par with previous crosslinguistic ellipsis studies, the current study shows that ellipsis is permitted if and only if there is a specific head carrying some specific morphosyntactic properties occurring in a local relation to the ellipsis site. This specific head, with its morphosyntactic properties, licenses for the ellipsis phenomenon to occur. The head properties trigger the whword to move from its base-generated position to the specifier position of this particular head, i.e., Spec CP, and then delete all other constituents included within the TP.