The processing of number and gender agreement in Spanish: An event-related potential investigation of the effects of structural distance

2012 ◽  
Vol 1456 ◽  
pp. 49-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Alemán Bañón ◽  
Robert Fiorentino ◽  
Alison Gabriele
Keyword(s):  
Event Related Potential ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Structural Distance ◽  
And Gender

Morphosyntactic processing in advanced second language (L2) learners: An event-related potential investigation of the effects of L1–L2 similarity and structural distance

2014 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-306 ◽  
Author(s):  
José Alemán Bañón ◽  
Robert Fiorentino ◽  
Alison Gabriele
Keyword(s):  
Second Language ◽  
Native Speakers ◽  
Event Related Potential ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Advanced Learners ◽  
Native Speakers Of English ◽  
Structural Distance ◽  
Morphological Differences ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Syntactic Dependencies

Different theoretical accounts of second language (L2) acquisition differ with respect to whether or not advanced learners are predicted to show native-like processing for features not instantiated in the native language (L1). We examined how native speakers of English, a language with number but not gender agreement, process number and gender agreement in Spanish. We compare agreement within a determiner phrase ( órgano muy complejo ‘[DP organ-MASC-SG very complex-MASC-SG]’) and across a verb phrase ( cuadro es auténtico ‘painting-MASC-SG [VP is authentic-MASC-SG]’) in order to investigate whether native-like processing is limited to local domains (e.g. within the phrase), in line with Clahsen and Felser (2006). We also examine whether morphological differences in how the L1 and L2 realize a shared feature impact processing by comparing number agreement between nouns and adjectives, where only Spanish instantiates agreement, and between demonstratives and nouns, where English also instantiates agreement. Similar to Spanish natives, advanced learners showed a P600 for both number and gender violations overall, in line with the Full Transfer / Full Access Hypothesis (Schwartz and Sprouse, 1996), which predicts that learners can show native-like processing for novel features. Results also show that learners can establish syntactic dependencies outside of local domains, as suggested by the presence of a P600 for both within and across-phrase violations. Moreover, similar to native speakers, learners were impacted by the structural distance (number of intervening phrases) between the agreeing elements, as suggested by the more positive waveforms for within-phrase than across-phrase agreement overall. These results are consistent with the proposal that learners are sensitive to hierarchical structure.

Morphosyntax, Prosody, and Linking Elements: The Auditory Processing of German Nominal Compounds

2004 ◽  
Vol 16 (9) ◽  
pp. 1647-1668 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dirk Koester ◽  
Th. C. Gunter ◽  
S. Wagner ◽  
A. D. Friederici
Keyword(s):  
Auditory Processing ◽  
Potential Effect ◽  
Event Related Potential ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Brain Potentials ◽  
Prosodic Cues ◽  
Linking Elements ◽  
Nominal Compounds ◽  
Dual Route Model ◽  
Anterior Negativity

The morphosyntactic decomposition of German compound words and a proposed function of linking elements were examined during auditory processing using event-related brain potentials. In Experiment 1, the syntactic gender agreement was manipulated between a determiner and the initial compound constituent (the “nonhead” constituent), and between a determiner and the last constituent (“head”). Although only the head is (morpho)syntactically relevant in German, both constituents elicited a left-anterior negativity if its gender was incongruent. This strongly suggests that compounds are morphosyntactically decomposed. Experiment 2 tested the function of those linking elements which are homophonous to plural morphemes. It has been previously suggested that these indicate the number of nonhead constituents. The number agreement was manipulated for both constituents analogous to Experiment 1. Number-incongruent heads, but not nonhead constituents, elicited an N400 and a subsequent broad negativity, suggesting that linking elements are not processed as plural morphemes. Experiment 3 showed that prosodic cues (duration and fundamental frequency) are employed to differentiate between compounds and single nouns and, thereby, betwen linking elements and plural morphemes. Number-incongruent words elicited a broad negativity if they were produced with a single noun prosody; the same words elicited no event-related potential effect if produced with a compound prosody. A dual-route model can account for the influence of prosody on morphosyntactic processing.

Extending the Person-Case Constraint to Gender: Agreement, Locality, and the Syntax of Pronouns

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Steven Foley ◽  
Maziar Toosarvandani
Keyword(s):  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Asymmetrical Shape ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Combinatorial Space ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation ◽  
Gender System

In many languages with clitic or other weak pronouns, a Person-Case Constraint (Perlmutter 1971, Bonet 1991) prohibits certain combinations of these pronouns on the basis of their person features. This article explores the crosslinguistic variation in such constraints, starting with several closely related Zapotec varieties. These restrict combinations of clitics not just on the basis of person, but also on the basis of a finely articulated, largely animacy-based gender system. Operating within a larger combinatorial space, these constraints offer a new perspective on the typology of Phi-Case Constraints (ΦCCs) more generally. This typology has an overall asymmetrical shape correlating with the underlying syntactic position of pronominal arguments. We develop a principled theory of this typology that incorporates three hypotheses: (a) ΦCCs arise from how a functional head Agrees with clitic pronouns, subject to intervention-based locality (Anagnostopoulou 2003, Béjar and Rezac 2003, 2009); (b) the variation in these constraints arises from variation in the relativization of probes (Anagnostopoulou 2005, Nevins 2007, 2011); and (c) clitic and other weak pronouns have no inherent need to be licensed via Agree with a functional head. Under this account, the crosslinguistic typology of ΦCCs has the potential to shed light on the grammatical representation of person and gender.

Adjectives and Adverbs

2020 ◽  
pp. 134-156
Author(s):  
Florence Lydia Graham
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
And Gender

The fifth chapter focuses on adjectives and adverbs borrowed from Turkish into seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Bosnian and Bulgarian. These turkisms can be derived from Turkish nouns, adjectives, and/or adverbs, and have Slavonic and/or Turkish suffixes. Number and gender agreement are discussed, as are productive and unproductive suffixes and pleonasm.

scholarly journals Anticipating Words and Their Gender: An Event-related Brain Potential Study of Semantic Integration, Gender Expectancy, and Gender Agreement in Spanish Sentence Reading

2004 ◽  
Vol 16 (7) ◽  
pp. 1272-1288 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicole Y. Y. Wicha ◽  
Eva M. Moreno ◽  
Marta Kutas
Keyword(s):  
Time Course ◽  
Sentence Comprehension ◽  
Semantic Integration ◽  
Spanish Speakers ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Brain Potentials ◽  
Preceding Article ◽  
Sentence Reading ◽  
Sentence Meaning ◽  
And Gender

Recent studies indicate that the human brain attends to and uses grammatical gender cues during sentence comprehension. Here, we examine the nature and time course of the effect of gender on word-by-word sentence reading. Event related brain potentials were recorded to an article and noun, while native Spanish speakers read medium to high-constraint Spanish sentences for comprehension. The noun either fit the sentence meaning or not, and matched the preceding article in gender or not; in addition, the preceding article was either expected or unexpected based on prior sentence context. Semantically anomalous nouns elicited an N400. Gender disagreeing nouns elicited a posterior late positivity (P600), replicating previous findings for words. Gender agreement and semantic congruity interacted in both the N400 window—with a larger negativity frontally for double violations—and the P600 window—with a larger positivity for semantic anomalies, relative to the prestimulus baseline. Finally, unexpected articles elicited an enhanced positivity (500–700 msec post onset) relative to expected articles. Overall, our data indicate that readers anticipate and attend to the gender of both articles and nouns, and use gender in real time to maintain agreement and to build sentence meaning.

Case and φ-feature agreement in advanced L2 Spanish grammars

2002 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 71-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florencia Franceschina
Keyword(s):  
Experimental Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Advanced Learners ◽  
Number Agreement ◽  
Functional Features ◽  
L2 Spanish ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The One ◽  
Case Number

One account of divergence in advanced L2 grammars is that speakers fail to acquire functional features in the L2 that are not part of the L1 inventory, and that this leads to non-native representations. Since this idea was first proposed by Hawkins and Chan (1997), few studies have provided the type of data which would allow for it to be adequately tested. This paper presents experimental data from two studies of the acquisition of Case, number and gender agreement in a group of advanced learners of Spanish who are L1 speakers of English, French, German, Greek, Italian and Portuguese. Differences were found between accuracy on Case and number agreement on the one hand, and gender agreement on the other, in ways predicted by the Failed Functional Features hypothesis.

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