scholarly journals The UK National DNA Database: Implementation of the Protection of Freedoms Act 2012

2018 ◽  
Vol 284 ◽  
pp. 117-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Opoku Amankwaa ◽  
Carole McCartney
Sociology ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 976-992 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Skinner

This article explores the place of ‘ethnicity’ in the operation, management and contestation of the UK National DNA Database (NDNAD). In doing so, it examines the limitations of bioethics as a response to political questions raised by the new genetics. The UK police forensic database has been racialised in a number of distinct ways: in the over-representation of black people in the database population; in the classification of all DNA profiles according to ‘ethnic appearance’; in the use of data for experiments to determine the ethnicity of crime scene DNA; and in the focus on ethnicity in public debate about the database. This racialisation presented potential problems of legitimacy for the NDNAD but, as the article shows, these have been partly neutralised through systems of ethico-political governance. In these systems of governance discussion of institutional racism has been postponed or displaced by other ways of talking about ethnicity and identity.


The Lancet ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 361 (9372) ◽  
pp. 1841-1842 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adrian Linacre
Keyword(s):  

2020 ◽  
pp. 119-136
Author(s):  
Nina Amelung ◽  
Rafaela Granja ◽  
Helena Machado

Abstract The UK is the possessor of the world’s oldest and largest DNA database by proportion of population: the National Criminal Intelligence DNA Database, established in 1995. As a nation-state that holds one of the world’s largest DNA databases, the UK has been dealing systematically with the societal effects triggered by various ethical controversies. In terms of bordering practices, the UK serves as an example of an ambivalent mode of re- and debordering. This ambivalence derives from the UK’s changing position regarding the Prüm system. In 2014, the UK government, driven by the parliament, decided to opt out of the Prüm Decisions. In 2015, after a Prüm-style pilot project run with other EU Member States, the UK decided to opt in. This decision, nonetheless, included the imposition of limits on other EU countries’ access to the UK’s data. Consequently, the UK’s debordering practices co-exist with rebordering attempts aimed at restricting access to their own data.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 45-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aaron Opoku Amankwaa ◽  
Carole McCartney
Keyword(s):  

The Lancet ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 362 (9386) ◽  
pp. 834 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vince L Pascali ◽  
Giampietro Lago ◽  
Marina Dobosz
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Roberto Puch-Solis ◽  
Susan Pope

Forensic DNA provides a striking contribution to the provision of justice worldwide. It has proven to be crucial in the investigative phase of an unsolved crime where a suspect needs to be identified, e.g. from a DNA database search both nationally and internationally. It is also a powerful tool in the assignment of evidential weight to the comparison of a profile of a person of interest and a crime scene profile. The focus of this document is the evaluation of autosomal profiles for criminal trials in the UK. A separate review covers investigation and evaluation of Y-STR profiles, investigation using autosomal profiles, kinship analysis, body identification and Forensic Genetic Genealogy investigations. In less than 40 years, forensic DNA profiling has developed from a specialist technique to everyday use. Borrowing on advances in genome typing technology, forensic DNA profiling has experienced a substantial increase in its sensitivity and informativeness. Alongside this development, novel interpretation methodologies have also been introduced. This document describes the state of the art and future advances in the interpretation of forensic DNA data.


2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (8) ◽  
pp. 238-242
Author(s):  
J Mennell ◽  
I C Shaw ◽  
S M Jickells

DNA is probably the most well-known example of forensic science in practice. The UK has the world's largest DNA database in terms of the percentage of the population covered, over four million people, representing 6% of the UK population and covering the majority of the active criminal population. This growth was enabled as a result of the DNA expansion programme and during 2006/2007 alone, I, 175 violent/sex crimes, 852 drugs cases and 7,892 domestic burglaries were linked to one or more individuals on the National DNA Database. However, public confidence in DNA and forensic science has been tested as a result of issues surrounding the growth of the national DNA database and cases such as the Omagh Bombing and Damilola Taylor, which has prompted important ethical issues and concerns to be raised. Despite these concerns, forensic science users and providers are under increasing pressure to build on the success of the DNA expansion programme to ensure that forensic science is used effectively across all crime types. Identifying and articulating a vision for forensic science should enable the impact of forensic science to be maximised, but will also require many areas to be addressed and evaluated. This needs to be done in terms of system drivers, technological drivers and societal drivers and in the context of these there is a need to paint the possible future forensic landscape and boundaries; clearly identifying what we are trying to achieve, what the priorities are and the extent to which we would like to shape the future rather than to merely respond to it.


BJHS Themes ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 99-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID SKINNER ◽  
MATTHIAS WIENROTH

AbstractBetween December 2012 and September 2013 the United Kingdom government oversaw one of the largest destructions of a collection of human-derived samples ever conducted. Approximately 7,753,000 DNA samples and 1,766,000 DNA computerized profiles associated with the UK's policing National DNA Database (NDNAD) were destroyed or deleted. This paper considers this moment of exceptional erasure and the consequent implementation of new processes for routinely discarding and keeping samples and their associated computer records. It is divided into two parts. The first discusses the rapid growth of the NDNAD; the changing legal, ethical and political landscape within which it was promoted and contested; and the developments that led to the decision to limit its scope. The second shifts focus to the operational challenge of implementing the destruction of samples and deletion of records. The NDNAD case allows us to examine the labour and continuing uncertainties involved in erasure of biological data and the emerging norms and practices associated with collecting DNA in differing formats. It also sheds new light on the importance, interconnection and ongoing instability of the ethical and practical biovalue of genetic collections: as the paper argues, far from ending the NDNAD, a more rigorous regime of erasure has helped, for the moment at least, to secure its future.


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