Recovery, Communities, and the Organized Recovery Movement

2021 ◽  
pp. 335-345
Author(s):  
Robert D. Ashford
Keyword(s):  
2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher James Ryan ◽  
Sascha Callaghan

Objectives: The Mental Health Act 2007 (NSW) ( MHA) was recently reformed in light of the recovery movement and the United Nations Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities. We analyse the changes and describe the impact that these reforms should have upon clinical practice. Conclusions: The principles of care and treatment added to the MHA place a strong onus on clinicians to monitor patients’ decision-making capacity, institute a supported decision-making model and obtain consent to any treatment proposed. Patients competently refusing treatment should only be subject to involuntary treatment in extraordinary circumstances. Even when patients incompetently refuse treatment, clinicians must make every effort reasonably practicable to tailor management plans to take account of any views and preferences expressed by them or made known via friends, family or advance statements.


Author(s):  
Larry Davidson ◽  
Michael Rowe ◽  
Janis Tondora ◽  
Maria J. O'Connell ◽  
Martha Staeheli Lawless

We begin with a snapshot of the world we hope to leave behind. While it may not be necessary to reiterate the reasons why transformation is needed for most readers—who, as we noted in the Introduction, may be only too familiar with the challenges presented by our current systems of care—we think it useful nonetheless to establish a point of departure. We also strive throughout this volume to make our ideas concrete through the use of stories derived from our own experiences, putting a human face on what might frequently appear to be abstract or idealistic concepts. In our experience, and in our previous publications (e.g., Davidson, Stayner, et al., 2001), there has been very little about mental health concepts of recovery that are either abstract or idealistic. In fact, we have consistently stressed the everyday nature of recovery (Borg & Davidson, 2007), fi nding it embodied and exemplifi ed in such mundane activities as washing one’s own dishes, playing with a child, or walking a dog. We strive to continue this concrete focus in what follows, alternating our exposition of principles and practices with descriptions of real-life examples from our practice. This not only is our own preference in teaching and training but was strongly encouraged by the reviewers of an earlier draft of this book. We are happy to oblige. Passage of legislation such as the Rehabilitation Act of 1973 and the Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 held great promise for individuals with disabilities, especially in relation to their opportunity to participate fully in all aspects of community life. Unfortunately, it is now widely recognized that the implementation of these acts for persons with serious mental illness lags far behind parallel efforts in the broader disability community, with expectations for expanded access and opportunity largely still to be realized (Chirikos, 1999; Fabian, 1999; Hernandez, 2000; Wylonis, 1999). In response to this national tragedy, several recent calls have been made for radical reforms to the mental health system. The Surgeon General’s Report on Mental Health, for example, called for mental health services to be “consumer oriented and focused on promoting recovery” (DHHS, 1999, p. 455).


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (4) ◽  
pp. 197-205
Author(s):  
Andrew Voyce ◽  
Jerome Carson

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide an autoethnographic account of the stories of a mental health professional and a mental health survivor. Design/methodology/approach Using the autoethnographic approach, the authors provide summaries of their respective psychiatric careers in three parts. Findings The authors studied at the same University, Reading. Voyce failed his Politics finals and embarked on a trajectory as a mental patient. Carson graduated in Psychology and trained as a clinical psychologist. The recovery movement brought them together, and they have now established an educational and personal bond. Research limitations/implications These are of course only two accounts, yet both authors have played a role in developing the recovery model in Britain. The accounts and story show the benefits of adopting a partnership approach between professional and service user. Practical implications Both accounts are recovery journeys in their own way. Both highlight the value of education for recovery. Social implications There is no doubt that clinical psychologists are both highly valued and well paid for their expertise. However, the expertise gained through Andrew’s life experience is equally invaluable for today’s mental health professionals to learn from, but perhaps not as well remunerated. Originality/value Both accounts stretch back over 45 years and have covered the move from institutional to community care. This paper presents two contrasting perspectives on these changes and the lives of the two people involved.


2009 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 517-539 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua I. Newman ◽  
Adam S. Beissel

This article profiles the ascent of stockcar racing from parochial pastime of the late industrial American South into an internationally-distributed corporate sport conglomerate. We explicate the role NASCAR (the sport’s governing body), its spectacles, and its consumer-spectators played in reproducing the political, economic, and cultural conditions by which it was made both “local” and “global.” It also briefly illustrates the problematic nature of recent initiatives to sell historically localized NASCAR commodities to “nontraditional” national and international markets.


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