Stewards and Chamberlains of the Royal Household, 1327–1377

2021 ◽  
pp. 282-283
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Alison Forrestal

This introductory chapter examines the early career of Vincent de Paul between 1581 and 1611, moving from his birth and education to his arrival in Paris in 1608, and his immersion in the dévot environment there. It begins with a summary of his birth in south-west France and his years of education to university level. It then outlines his appointment as an almoner in the royal household of Marguerite de Valois in early 1610, after he had taken up residence in Paris two years earlier. It concludes with an analysis of the other aspects of his material livelihood during these years, including his acquisition of the abbey of Saint-Léonard-de-Chaumes in western France.


2021 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 250-281
Author(s):  
Jennifer S. Ng

Abstract This article examines the institution of the Bedchamber of James I of England (1603–1625) through the practice of feasting. Originally comprising James VI’s Scottish entourage, the Bedchamber was a novel introduction to the English royal household in the Jacobean period: as such, this group of attendants came to represent both a body with unparalleled royal access, and a Scottish barrier between James I and his English court. By approaching the Bedchamber through its social and cultural obligations, the institution emerges as a mediating, rather than restrictive, body, serving to enact reconciliation between the king, the Court, and foreign states. Moreover, the Bedchamber’s feasting calendar indicates a broad basis of reward, circulating around several Bedchamber Gentlemen rather than a single favorite. Patterns of Bedchamber feasting ultimately reflected a Court that was largely accessible, not significantly structured by ethnic divisions, and conducive to the proliferation of culture and favor.


1925 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 56-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey H. White

For the financial administration under Henry I we have no such detailed information as is given for the reign of his grandson by the Dialogus de Scaccario. When Richard Fitz Neel composed that famous dialogue, which was completed before April, 1179, the head of the financial administration was the Treasurer, who was assisted by two Chamberlains. This arrangement was already in existence before the death of Henry I, although the Treasurer seems to have been a somewhat recent addition to the staff of the Treasury, which had previously been managed by the Chamberlains; whose title was a survival from the earlier period when the royal treasure was kept in the royal bed-chamber, and the king's chamberlain acted as treasurer ex-officio. If we can trust an anonymous poem of the thirteenth century, this primitive arrangement still existed in England under the Confessor, at least so far as the funds for the expenses of the Royal Household were concerned; indeed, Professor Tout is doubtful whether any royal treasury or treasurer, except the Chamber and the Chamberlain, existed in England before the Conquest.


1987 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Tighe

The band of gentlemen pensioners, a body which, diminished in size and its functions altered almost beyond recognition, still survives at the English royal court under the title of “The Honourable Corps of Her Majesty's Gentlemen at Arms,” was instituted on Christmas Eve 1539 as part of a reform of the royal household. The group was a revival of the “spears” or “spears of honour,” an elite, sumptuously-outfitted royal bodyguard of gentlemen founded by Henry VIII in 1509, shortly after his accession, which appears to have lapsed in 1515 or 1516, because of the great charges involved in their maintenance, according to Hall's chronicle. The revived group was provided for in a rather more modest manner than its predecessor had been, but its members served much the same purposes. They were the king's elite bodyguard, his personal companions in arms when he went to war, the principal participants in tournaments and other martial sports at court and, more generally, a courtly and military finishing school for the sons of nobility and gentry.From 1540 until 1670, when the band underwent its first reduction in size, its structural organization remained unchanged in all essentials. It consisted of fifty men and five officers, a captain, lieutenant, standard-bearer, clerk of the check and harbinger. The last two were ancillary offices, the keeper of the “check-list” or attendance roll and his deputy, and were not strictly speaking members of the corps, but its servants. The lieutenant and the standard-bearer were normally men who had served for a time as gentlemen pensioners before being appointed to these offices, while the captain, on the contrary, was a figure of some importance at court in his own right, and one who had not previously served in the band. After the death of the first captain, Sir Anthony Browne, Henry VIII's master of the horse, in 1548, subsequent captains under the Tudor and early Stuart monarchs were all peers and almost always held other great offices of state. Browne's successor, William Parr, marquess of Northampton, was Edward VI's lord chamberlain; he lost all of his offices and titles on Mary's accession and was lucky to escape with his life. Thomas Radcliffe, lord Fitzwalter, later earl of Sussex, succeeded him in the captaincy, holding it continuously until his death in 1583. From 1572 he held the office of lord chamberlain to the queen. His Elizabethan successors in the captaincy, the first and second lords Hunsdon, father and son, the queen's kinsmen, also held the lord chamberlainship.


1963 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
pp. 163-176 ◽  
Author(s):  
Goronwy Edwards

On the corresponding occasion last year, I ventured to offer some remarks on the subject of medieval Welsh lawbooks, and more particularly on the editing of them. When edited, they serve as historical evidence. I therefore propose on this present occasion to consider the sort of historical evidence that they contain, and the kind of historical question that they raise. As I have to operate within the narrow compass of an hour, I must limit my field of view, and this can be done quite simply. A Welsh lawbook was made up of a series of what, in the absence of a recognized technical term, may conveniently be called ‘tractates’. I am going to consider just one of those tractates. It is, in more than one sense, the most easily distinguishable of them all. It is also the one that forms the very first part of the text of the Welsh lawbooks, coming immediately after the opening prologue. From its situation at the very beginning of the text, it should be the most inescapable document in the lawbooks—though, as Edgar Allan Poe demonstrated in a famous story, a document situated in the most obtrusive position is precisely the one that may most easily escape notice. It is quite a sizeable document, running to some twenty pages of modern print. It is extant both in medieval Latin and in medieval Welsh.


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