Person complementarity and (pseudo) Person Case Constraint effects: Evidence from Inuktitut

2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 592-616
Author(s):  
Richard Compton
Keyword(s):  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Constraint Effects ◽  
Person Agreement

AbstractThis paper examines the nature of person complementarity in Eastern Canadian Inuktitut (Eskimo-Aleut), arguing that despite its apparent patterning as a Person Case Constraint (PCC) effect, it is not due to the presence of a defective intervener blocking person agreement with a lower argument, as is often the case in other languages. Instead, the observed effect is caused by a defective or missing person probe on C that cannot value local person features on absolutive arguments. Given the use of the PCC as a diagnostic for differentiating clitics and agreement, this result has implications for the proper identification of φ-marking in Inuktitut.

Extending the Person-Case Constraint to Gender: Agreement, Locality, and the Syntax of Pronouns

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-40
Author(s):  
Steven Foley ◽  
Maziar Toosarvandani
Keyword(s):  
Gender Agreement ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Asymmetrical Shape ◽  
New Perspective ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Combinatorial Space ◽  
Crosslinguistic Variation ◽  
Gender System

In many languages with clitic or other weak pronouns, a Person-Case Constraint (Perlmutter 1971, Bonet 1991) prohibits certain combinations of these pronouns on the basis of their person features. This article explores the crosslinguistic variation in such constraints, starting with several closely related Zapotec varieties. These restrict combinations of clitics not just on the basis of person, but also on the basis of a finely articulated, largely animacy-based gender system. Operating within a larger combinatorial space, these constraints offer a new perspective on the typology of Phi-Case Constraints (ΦCCs) more generally. This typology has an overall asymmetrical shape correlating with the underlying syntactic position of pronominal arguments. We develop a principled theory of this typology that incorporates three hypotheses: (a) ΦCCs arise from how a functional head Agrees with clitic pronouns, subject to intervention-based locality (Anagnostopoulou 2003, Béjar and Rezac 2003, 2009); (b) the variation in these constraints arises from variation in the relativization of probes (Anagnostopoulou 2005, Nevins 2007, 2011); and (c) clitic and other weak pronouns have no inherent need to be licensed via Agree with a functional head. Under this account, the crosslinguistic typology of ΦCCs has the potential to shed light on the grammatical representation of person and gender.

A relativized probing approach to person encoding in local scenarios

2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 153-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doreen Georgi
Keyword(s):  
Person Features ◽  
Vocabulary Insertion ◽  
Non Local ◽  
Person Hierarchy ◽  
Person Agreement ◽  
Empirical Generalizations

In this paper I discuss three empirical generalizations about local scenarios: (i) four different realization strategies found cross-linguistically, (ii) an asymmetry in the number of arguments encoded on the verb in languages with person hierarchy-effects in non-local scenarios and (iii) the fact that person portmanteaux are particularly prominent in local scenarios. I claim that all three generalizations can be derived if Agree is relativized to target only positively valued person features on a goal. (ii) falls out directly from the Agree mechanism. (i) is a purely morphological phenomenon arising from the specification of local person exponents. Person portmanteaux are analyzed as inclusive markers in a derived inclusive context. Such a context can only emerge in local scenarios, which derives (iii). In general, the paper addresses the question how morphological theories that rely on discrete slots can handle portmanteaux by vocabulary insertion, without additional mechanisms like e.g. fusion. Keywords: Agree; relativized probing; person agreement; local scenarios; portmanteau morphemes; hierarchy effects; underspecification

Escaping the Person Case Constraint

2006 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 97-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Milan Rezac
Keyword(s):  
Striking Feature ◽  
Case Assignment ◽  
Dependent Case ◽  
Reference Set ◽  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Person Features

The Person Case Constraint (PCC) blocks a 1st/2nd person DP from Agree and Case assignment if it is separated from a probe by an intervener. I examine four separate strategies that circumvent the PCC: through giving the blocked DP case and agreement that would not otherwise be possible (absolutive displacement Basque; Jahnsson’s Rule in Finnish), by realizing the intervener elsewhere (3 to 5 Demotion in French), or by realizing the DP’s person features differently (Object Camouflage in Georgian). The striking feature these strategies share is that they are restricted to PCC contexts and not freely available. This makes it impossible to view them as paraphrase. Stating the conditions on their distribution requires reference to the failed PCC derivation, that is trans-derivational comparison. I extend the reference set computation of Fox (1995, 2000) and Reinhart (1995, 1999) to account for these strategies as the addition of a φ-probe, and suggest an extension to dependent Case.

scholarly journals Feature Gluttony

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-56
Author(s):  
Jessica Coon ◽  
Stefan Keine
Keyword(s):  
Recent Literature ◽  
Main Line ◽  
Clitic Doubling ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Constraint Effects

This article develops a new approach to a family of hierarchy-effect inducing configurations, with a focus on Person Case Constraint effects, dative-nominative configurations, and copula constructions. The main line of approach in the recent literature is to attribute these effects to failures of φ-Agree or, more specifically, failures of nominal licensing or case checking. We propose that the problem in these configurations is unrelated to nominal licensing, but is instead the result of a probe participating in more than one Agree dependency, a configuration we refer to as feature gluttony. Feature gluttony does not in and of itself lead to ungrammaticality; rather, it can create irresolvably conflicting requirements for subsequent operations. We argue that in the case of clitic configurations, a probe that agrees with more than one DP creates an intervention problem for clitic doubling. In violations involving morphological agreement, gluttony in features may result in a configuration with no available morphological output.

scholarly journals Person Feature Geometry and Pronominal Clitic Ordering Preferences

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 627-661
Author(s):  
Steven L. Franks
Keyword(s):  
The South ◽  
Slavic Languages ◽  
Person Case Constraint ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Feature Geometry ◽  
Per Se ◽  
Point Of Departure

Summary This paper examines so-called “Person Case Constraint” (PCC) effects. These are ordering restrictions on co-occurring clitic pronouns, where only certain person combinations are felicitous but the possibilities vary cross-linguistically. Taking the South Slavic languages as a point of departure, an account is developed in terms of person feature spreading from a high Appl(icative) node to underspecified clitic pronouns. It is argued that 3rd person is the absence of person features, hence there is no PERS(on) node per se, and that person can be characterized in terms of PART(icipant) and AUTH(or). It is further argued that languages may differ in terms of how these two features are arranged, accounting for additional systems. Finally, speculations are offered on how feature spreading enlightens PCC violation repair strategies.

Syncretism of plural forms in Spanish Dialects

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
María Mare
Keyword(s):  
Syntactic Structure ◽  
Person Plural ◽  
Person Features ◽  
Third Person ◽  
Lexical Items ◽  
First Person Plural ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The Third Person ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Spanish Dialects

Abstract One of the main discussions about the interaction between morphology and syntax revolves around the richness or poverty of features and wherever this richness/poverty is found either in the syntactic structure or the lexical items. A phenomenon subject to this debate has been syncretism, especially in theories that assume late insertion such as Distributed Morphology. This paper delves into the syncretism observed between the first person plural and the third person in the clitic domain in some Spanish dialects. Our analysis will lead to a revision of the distribution of person features and their relationship with plural number, while at the same time it will shed light on other morphological alternations displayed in Spanish dialects; that is, subject-verb unagreement and mesoclisis in imperatives. In order to explain the behavior of the data under discussion, I propose that lexical items are specified for all the relevant features at the moment of insertion, although the values of these features can be neutralized. I argue that the distribution proposed allows for some fundamental generalizations about the vocabulary inventories in Spanish varieties, and shows that the variation pattern exhibits an *ABA effect, i.e., only contiguous cells in a paradigm are syncretic.

Constraint effects on crack tip stress fields for cracks located at the fusion line of weldments

1999 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 275-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
C Thaulow ◽  
Z.L Zhang ◽  
M Hauge ◽  
W Burget ◽  
D Memhard
Keyword(s):  
Crack Tip ◽  
Fusion Line ◽  
Stress Fields ◽  
Constraint Effects ◽  
Crack Tip Stress

scholarly journals Integrating constraint effects among ecosystem services and drivers on seasonal scales into management practices

2021 ◽  
Vol 125 ◽  
pp. 107425
Author(s):  
Shengkun Li ◽  
Xiaobing Li ◽  
Huashun Dou ◽  
Dongliang Dang ◽  
Jirui Gong
Keyword(s):  
Ecosystem Services ◽  
Management Practices ◽  
Constraint Effects
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