The Economic Crisis of 1827–32 and the 1830 Revolution in Provincial France

1989 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pamela Pilbeam

A spectre is still haunting historians of nineteenth-century France, the spectre of the bourgeois revolution of 1830, surviving despite the exorcism of revisionists. It is a spector that distorts our image of the liberal opposition to Charles X and of the victors after the July Days. Restoration prefects, moved from department to department with increasing rapidity in Charles X's reign, were content to categorize critics of the Polignac government as bourgeois. In the July Monarchy socialists vilified the elite as an established bourgeoise who robbed the real revolutionaries, the artisans, of their rights.3 Early socialists, including Marx, defined bourgeois broadly, to embrace landowners, but later marxists, writing when France was less of an agrarian state, labelled the bourgeoisie of 1830 as a business and industrial elite. The most recent generation of revisionist historians has shown, by empirical and detailed investigations, that the development of industry and accompanying social change occurred over several centuries and that revolutions, in particular, 1789, were mainly political events and more likely to retard than to facilitate the evolution of bourgeois capitalism. Thus revisionist historians of nineteenth-century France refer to ‘notables’ and stress the numerical dominance of landowners rather than businessmen in the elite of both the Restoration and the July Monarchy.

2017 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Horowitz

When the duc de Choiseul-Praslin, a politician and prominent member of the French aristocracy, killed his wife and then poisoned himself in August 1847, the case shook the foundations of the July Monarchy. In the wake of the affair, conservatives used the murder/suicide to argue that love was a respect for hierarchy, while those on the left saw violence and anomie as stemming from inequality. However, both sides saw women’s affections as crucial to public life and social cohesion. This article thus situates the Choiseul-Praslin affair within the politics of affection and family life in mid-nineteenth-century France.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Dodman

Abstract— Since the 1970s, Alexis de Tocqueville’s The Ancien Régime and the French Revolution has provided an intellectual linchpin for revisionist accounts of the French Revolution as a political event, divorced from socioeconomic logics. This article offers an alternative reading of this classic text. It argues that Tocqueville’s analysis grapples at a fundamental level with social change and tries to grasp its manifestations in processes of bureaucratization and abstraction. Read alongside Georg Lukács’ seminal analysis of modern rationalization as reification, it offers a suggestive take on capitalist transformation in eighteenth and nineteenth-century France. I suggest that in our current historiographical conjuncture, Tocqueville’s analysis can serve as a point of departure to understanding how capitalism invests all spheres of life, both material and ideational.


2012 ◽  
Vol 120 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Anne Kalba

In the second half of the nineteenth century, the flowers and gardens visible in France became increasingly defined by the imperatives of commodity capitalism, in particular by the perpetual quest for variety and novelty that characterized the fashion industry. Focusing on the important role that color played in this process, this article shows how floriculture disrupted not only the relationship between the natural and the artificial and the real and the imaginary but also contemporary aesthetic standards and practices of signification.


2016 ◽  
pp. 213-236
Author(s):  
Susan Ash

This chapter analyses how Barnardo created spectacle from the massed exhibition of child bodies in the annual general meetings and fêtes held in Barnardo’s homes and in high-profile public venues such as the Royal Albert Hall. It focuses on spectacle as integral to the philanthropic agenda, such as scale, the boundaries between the real and performed, and the capacity to ‘move’ an audience in a context of amplified emotionality. Barnardo used spectacle to create capital and to represent social change to his supporters. The close relation of spectacle with disaster is crucial; the orchestrated spectacles conveyed both the underlying potential for, and the spectator’s vulnerability to, unleashed catastrophe should they choose not to contribute. Although Barnardo repudiated theatre and associated performance, he nevertheless devised spectacles that presented his brand in highly positive terms as another form of coherent narrative about child reform in the nineteenth century, and the organization’s social welfare work into the twenty-first century.


2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
STEVEN KALE

The work of Arthur de Gobineau has presented scholars with a number of interpretive problems concerning his status as a race theorist, his place in the history of racial thought, and the influence of his work on subsequent thinkers. This essay addresses the particularly vexing issue of the origins of Gobineau's racism from the perspective of his affiliation with French royalists in the 1840s and challenges the existing scholarship on the derivation ofL'Essai sur l'inégalité des races humainesby placing theEssaiin the context of his international experience as a member of the French diplomatic corps. Although disillusioned with legitimist politics during the July Monarchy, Gobineau never abandoned his youthful ideological priorities. From the perspective of his royalist past, theEssaiappears as part of an extended rumination on the decadence of the French aristocracy and its failure to stem the tide of revolution and bureaucratic centralization. As such, Gobineau's racism can best be understood as a royalist heresy rather than a continuation of his aristocratic elitism or a clean break with his earlier preoccupations.


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