Tocqueville and the Consciousness of Capital (Reading The Ancien RÉgime with LukÁcs)

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas Dodman

Abstract— Since the 1970s, Alexis de Tocqueville’s The Ancien Régime and the French Revolution has provided an intellectual linchpin for revisionist accounts of the French Revolution as a political event, divorced from socioeconomic logics. This article offers an alternative reading of this classic text. It argues that Tocqueville’s analysis grapples at a fundamental level with social change and tries to grasp its manifestations in processes of bureaucratization and abstraction. Read alongside Georg Lukács’ seminal analysis of modern rationalization as reification, it offers a suggestive take on capitalist transformation in eighteenth and nineteenth-century France. I suggest that in our current historiographical conjuncture, Tocqueville’s analysis can serve as a point of departure to understanding how capitalism invests all spheres of life, both material and ideational.

1977 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
George D. Sussman

The history of the professions in the West since the French Revolution is a success story, a triumph, but not always an easy one. From the beginning of the nineteenth century in continental Europe the professions had a great attraction as careers presumably open to talent, but the demand for professional services developed more slowly than interest in professional careers and more slowly than the schools that supplied the market. Lenore O'Boyle has drawn attention to this discrepancy and the revolutionary potential of the frustrated careerists produced by it.


The principal architects of the ‘chemical revolution’ may well be said to have been Antoine Laurent Lavoisier (1743-1794) and Antoine Francois Fourcroy (1755-1809). The former by the intuitive genius of his brain, the extraordinary manipulative skill of his hands and the impeccable logic of his mind elaborated and set forth those truths on which modem chemistry was founded. The latter used his ingratiating and flexible personality, oratorical ability and facile pen to publicize the new chemistry and see that it was embodied in the educational curriculum. Lavoisier helped Fourcroy during his earlier years and used his prestige and influence to advance the younger man and obtain financial preferment for him. Under the ancien régime Lavoisier was rich, respected and influential; Fourcroy led a struggling existence for many years. The French Revolution was to bring Lavoisier misery and legal assassination; the same period saw Fourcroy’s prestige and power rise to a maximum. The relationship existing between the two men presents an as yet unsolved puzzle. Fourcroy’s biography still has to be written, as does an authoritative one of Lavoisier, when all the material is available. The latter’s standard biographer, Edouard Grimaux, wrote three-quarters of a century ago and his work needs to be superseded by an objective and fully documented modern study. Grimaux strongly condemned Fourcroy for allowing Lavoisier to be sent to the guillotine and implies that, possibly motivated by jealousy, he may have helped to speed him on his way. Modern scholars are inclined to the opinion that Grimaux maligned Fourcroy unjustifiably. The charge, however, was evidently current shortly after Lavoisier’s death, for in a speech delivered only two years after the lamentable event Fourcroy felt constrained to defend himself against an accusation which was to haunt him for the rest of his days and pursue him from his own death until the present day.


2021 ◽  
pp. 213-234
Author(s):  
David Dickson

This chapter presents a wider challenge to the existing power structures in Ireland during the tumultuous 1790s. It recounts the collapse of the ancien régime in France and divided urban world, then examines how the French Revolution opened up cleavages and profoundly sharpened social and religious divisions. The chapter then introduces Mathew Carey, a Dublin baker's son, who presented his imprudent willingness to articulate in print the enormity of Catholic grievances. His violent criticism of Dublin Castle, of the English connection, and of local political heavyweights ended with his flight to America in disguise in 1784. The chapter also discusses how the local theatre provides some insight as to how far political attitudes shifted. The chapter then shifts to investigate how the two versions of democratic fraternity, the Belfast's first United Irish Society and Dublin United Irish Society, marked the beginnings of radical political organization. It follows the revival of the Catholic Committee in Dublin, and assesses the effects of the removal of the remaining penal laws, especially the firearms ban.


Author(s):  
Margarita Diaz-Andreu

There was no return to the Ancien Régime after Napoleon’s downfall in 1815. Firstly, the early nineteenth-century economy was increasingly strengthened by the industrial, imperial and trading expansion of the European powers throughout the world (Chapters 5 to 10), which helped to stimulate Western Europe’s financial growth. Adding immeasurable impetus to this movement was the territorial expansion of Russia and the US, and later in the century other countries such as Japan contributed by broadening their frontiers manifold (Chapters 9 and 10). Factors such as these accelerated the enlargement and aspirations of the middle classes, who were precisely the group leading most of the revolutionary activity in the first half of the nineteenth century. Secondly, the reforms in administration made the state machine more efficient than that of the Ancien Régime and this impeded a full restoration of the old order. Also, for the efficient functioning of the state, the enthusiasm with which educated individuals identified with the nation was extremely important to ensure their loyalty. The late eighteenth and early nineteenth-century socio-political revolutions had brought a series of new meanings to concepts such as conservatism, liberal, democrat, party, and the distinction between left and right (Roberts 1996: 21). For example, liberalism was a doctrine that favoured ‘progress’ and ‘reform’. It was also linked with the type of nationalism that the French Revolution had promoted with the sovereignty of nations and the belief that all citizens were equal in the eyes of the law (although at this time ‘citizenship’, as propagated by the proponents of this doctrine, mainly meant the prosperous classes and male citizens). For progressive liberals, it was not only the established states that had the right to be a nation. The nationalist sentiments and claims by Greeks, Slovaks, Czechs, Brazilians, Mexicans, Hungarians, and a myriad of would-be nations, illustrate the growth of the widespread notion of nationhood that reached to other people with distinctive pasts and cultures. Liberals also had to confront, or negotiate with, the reactionary forces that brought down Napoleon in 1815. They were mainly made up of the nobility, and also supported by conservative intellectuals.


1959 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 432-445 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. B. Rose

The “war communism” of the Jacobins, mobilizing all economic forces for the defence of the Republic, has many features which seem to anticipate later regimes more self-consciously and more consistently socialist. At the same time it appears in some respects as a partial return to the étatisme of the Ancien Régime in reaction against the liberalism of 1789. Particularly is this true of the adoption, in 1793, of a system of price control for essential commodities.


Author(s):  
Sefton D. Temkin

This chapter explores the childhood of Isaac Mayer Wise (1819–1900) and the political climate in which he had grown up. He was born in Steingrub, Bohemia in 1890. Of the first twenty-seven years of the man who said that he became a naturalized American amid these surroundings, very little is known, save that he was born into a fettered society; and its chains were heavier because they had been reimposed after a period of near freedom. The French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars had spread throughout Europe the aspiration for popular sovereignty and the rights of nationalities: the Congress of Vienna gave scant recognition to the new forces and set about restoring the ancien régime. The genius of those who set themselves to thwart the allied forces of liberalism and nationalism was Clemens von Metternich, Austrian Foreign Minister from 1809 till 1848. It was in the Austrian Empire where Wise lived that, despite Metternich’s awareness of the need for reform, his system operated to the worst effect.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth C. Macknight

In families where there was no male child to whom an aristocratic title could be transmitted nobles could pursue the adoption of another male to become the heir. Prior to the French Revolution the legal mechanism that nobles had relied upon was called substitution, which allowed for titles and other property to pass to collateral members of kin. In nineteenth-century France an act of adoption served in a similar way as a solution for the transfer of aristocratic patrimony. To understand the nobility’s recourse to this strategy the chapter examines revolutionary laws concerning family relationships in the areas of adoption and illegitimacy. It provides archival case studies of the application of the law with particular attention to the emotional ramifications in families where adoption occurred.


2019 ◽  
pp. 128-136
Author(s):  
David Sorkin

This chapter explores the second and third partitions of Poland (1793, 1795), which rivaled the French Revolution in destroying the ancien régime. The partitioning powers' conservative reaction to the French Revolution and Napoleon brought to the fore the tensions of partial or conditional emancipation. Although Joseph II's 1789 legislation remained the dominant influence, the partitioning powers introduced multiple restrictions that neutralized its ideal of parity. Prussia's 1797 legislation of conditional emancipation left Posen's Jews in limbo. It stripped them of communal autonomy yet still treated them as a community. Russia's 1804 legislation aimed to shift Jews out of the liquor trade and into education, artisan crafts, and farming. It integrated them “into” estates, albeit without parity of taxation. Meanwhile, Francis I's Western Galician Law Code (1797) aimed to introduce uniform law to the area; instead, it became one among multiple layers. Although de jure entitled to municipal citizenship, Jews were de facto excluded. They were also denied entry to many occupations Joseph II had opened.


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