Superpowers Unlimited - *1. The Record of American Diplomacy. Edited by Ruhl J. Bartlett. (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1947. Pp. xx, 731, xvii. $4.50, text edition.) - 2. Documents on American Foreign Relations, Vol. VII, July 1944–June 1945. Edited by Leland M. Goodrich and Marie J. Carroll. (Published for The World Peace Foundation by Princeton University Press, 1947. Pp. xxxvii, 961. $6.00.) - 3. Vera Micheles Dean: The United States and Russia. (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1947. Pp. xiv, 321. $3.00.) - 4. The Year Book of World Affairs, 1947. Published under the auspices of The London Institute of World Affairs. (London: Stevens & Sons Limited, 1947. Pp. viii, 344. 20 shillings.) - 5. La Bataille de la Paix. Edited by P. Chaillet. (Paris: Editions du Monde Nouveau, 1947. Pp. 319. 250 francs.) - 6. Cord MeyerJr: Peace or Anarchy.(Boston: Little, Brown & Company, 1947. Pp. 233. $2.50.)

1948 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-119
Author(s):  
M. A. Fitzsimons
Author(s):  
Graham Cross

Franklin D. Roosevelt was US president in extraordinarily challenging times. The impact of both the Great Depression and World War II make discussion of his approach to foreign relations by historians highly contested and controversial. He was one of the most experienced people to hold office, having served in the Wilson administration as Assistant Secretary of the Navy, completed two terms as Governor of New York, and held a raft of political offices. At heart, he was an internationalist who believed in an engaged and active role for the United States in world. During his first two terms as president, Roosevelt had to temper his international engagement in response to public opinion and politicians wanting to focus on domestic problems and wary of the risks of involvement in conflict. As the world crisis deepened in the 1930s, his engagement revived. He adopted a gradualist approach to educating the American people in the dangers facing their country and led them to eventual participation in war and a greater role in world affairs. There were clearly mistakes in his diplomacy along the way and his leadership often appeared flawed, with an ambiguous legacy founded on political expediency, expanded executive power, vague idealism, and a chronic lack of clarity to prepare Americans for postwar challenges. Nevertheless, his policies to prepare the United States for the coming war saw his country emerge from years of depression to become an economic superpower. Likewise, his mobilization of his country’s enormous resources, support of key allies, and the holding together of a “Grand Alliance” in World War II not only brought victory but saw the United States become a dominant force in the world. Ultimately, Roosevelt’s idealistic vision, tempered with a sound appreciation of national power, would transform the global position of the United States and inaugurate what Henry Luce described as “the American Century.”


Author(s):  
Andrew J. Falk

Americans in and out of government have relied on media and popular culture to construct the national identity, frame debates on military interventions, communicate core values abroad, and motivate citizens around the world to act in prescribed ways. During the late 19th century, as the United States emerged as a world power and expanded overseas, Americans adopted an ethos of worldliness in their everyday lives, even as some expressed worry about the nation’s position on war and peace. During the interwar period of the 1920s and 1930s, though America failed to join the League of Nations and retreated from foreign engagements, the nation also increased cultural interactions with the rest of the world through the export of motion pictures, music, consumer products, food, fashion, and sports. The policies and character of the Second World War were in part shaped by propaganda that evolved from earlier information campaigns. As the United States confronted communism during the Cold War, the government sanitized its cultural weapons to win the hearts and minds of Americans, allies, enemies, and nonaligned nations. But some cultural producers dissented from America’s “containment policy,” refashioned popular media for global audiences, and sparked a change in Washington’s cultural-diplomacy programs. An examination of popular culture also shows how people in the “Third World” deftly used the media to encourage superpower action. In the 21st century, activists and revolutionaries can be considered the inheritors of this tradition because they use social media to promote their political agendas. In short, understanding the roles popular culture played as America engaged the world greatly expands our understanding of modern American foreign relations.


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