Cultural Relations and Exchanges Between South Africa and the United States

1973 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
Leslie Rubin

Cultural exchange is a familiar commodity in the marketplace of international relations. But it is important to bear in mind that it comes in two brands—the authentic and the spurious.

Author(s):  
Sam Lebovic

This chapter examines Fulbright’s theories of cultural exchange to understand the substance and assumptions of his commitment to liberal internationalism. It shows that his assumption that educational exchange would produce mutual understanding was underscored by his assumption that the United States embodied universal liberal values. Therefore, Fulbright presumed that a program of exchange would produce an expanding sphere of American influence. This assumption was a product of deeper currents in his philosophy of international relations: his ideology of national exceptionalism, his faith in the transformative power of American culture, his idealist belief that war was the product of misunderstanding, and his confidence in the power that flowed from American economic and political preponderance.


2015 ◽  
Vol 84 (4) ◽  
pp. 478-516
Author(s):  
John Gripentrog

This study explores how the Japanese government endeavored to shape American public opinion through the promotion of Japanese aesthetics in the several years following the Manchurian crisis—and, importantly, how this “cultural diplomacy” was received by Americans. At the center of Japan’s state-sponsored cultural initiative was the Society for International Cultural Relations (Kokusai Bunka Shinkōkai, or KBS). By drawing attention to Japan’s historically esteemed cultural traditions, Japan’s leaders hoped to improve the nation’s image and leverage international power. Critical American reviews and general-interest articles on KBS programs proffered images of a society imbued with a profound sense of artistic sophistication. To this end, the KBS’s cultural diplomacy tended to reinforce a popular assumption among Americans that Japan’s body politic in the 1930s was meaningfully divided between “moderates” and “militarists.” Japan’s cultural diplomacy, however, was undermined from the start by an irreconcilable tension: to simultaneously legitimize regional expansionism and advance internationalist cooperation. After the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in the summer of 1937 and subsequent proclamations that presumed Japanese hegemony in Asia, naked aggression rendered any lighthearted cultural exchange increasingly irrelevant. Indeed, KBS activities in the United States dwindled—a point that made clear the limits of cultural diplomacy.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Srdjan Vucetic

Will China’s rise lead to Chinese hegemony? Most International Relations scholars would answer in the negative, contending the road to a global hegemony remains well beyond Beijing’s capabilities. In Asia, however, China’s formidable economy, technological advancement, rapidly modernizing military forces, and geopolitical moves look outright hegemonic – a fact that United States attempts to “pivot” and “rebalance” to that region have put into sharp relief. To assess the prospects of a new regional hegemony, this paper considers the “economic,” “security” and “cultural” relations of eleven Asian states with both Beijing and Washington. The overall results induce skepticism about China’s ability to reorder its region. Although significant and growing, China’s network of “strategic partners” is minor compared to that centered on the United States. Sightings of an Asian Pax Sinica are at best premature.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M. Kirkwood

In the first decade of the twentieth century, a rising generation of British colonial administrators profoundly altered British usage of American history in imperial debates. In the process, they influenced both South African history and wider British imperial thought. Prior usage of the Revolution and Early Republic in such debates focused on the United States as a cautionary tale, warning against future ‘lost colonies’. Aided by the publication of F. S. Oliver's Alexander Hamilton (1906), administrators in South Africa used the figures of Hamilton and George Washington, the Federalist Papers, and the drafting of the Constitution as an Anglo-exceptionalist model of (modern) self-government. In doing so they applied the lessons of the Early Republic to South Africa, thereby contributing to the formation of the Union of 1910. They then brought their reconception of the United States, and their belief in the need for ‘imperial federation’, back to the metropole. There they fostered growing diplomatic ties with the US while recasting British political history in-light-of the example of American federation. This process of inter-imperial exchange culminated shortly after the signing of the Treaty of Versailles when the Boer Generals Botha and Smuts were publicly presented as Washington and Hamilton reborn.


This book uses trust—with its emotional and predictive aspects—to explore international relations in the second half of the Cold War, beginning with the late 1960s. The détente of the 1970s led to the development of some limited trust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which lessened international tensions and enabled advances in areas such as arms control. However, it also created uncertainty in other areas, especially on the part of smaller states that depended on their alliance leaders for protection. The chapters in this volume look at how the “emotional” side of the conflict affected the dynamics of various Cold War relations: between the superpowers, within the two ideological blocs, and inside individual countries on the margins of the East–West confrontation.


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