The Origins of the 17-Point Agreement of 23 May 1951 between the Chinese Central Government and the Tibetan “Local Government”

2019 ◽  
Vol 241 ◽  
pp. 236-246
Author(s):  
Alex Raymond

AbstractImmediately following the Battle of Chamdo in October 1950, during the period between November 1950 and April 1951, the leaders of the new People's Republic of China (PRC) had two priorities in regard to Tibet. The first was to persuade the Tibetan government to send delegates to Beijing as soon as possible in order to start “negotiations,” and the second was to prevent the Dalai Lama from fleeing Tibet. Using Chinese documents that offer a new version of the process that led to these “negotiations,” this study, without addressing the international issues in detail, illustrates how the leaders of the PRC, either with promises, threats or even by bluff, were able to attain their goals.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ehtisham Ahmad ◽  
Hans van Rijn

Over the past 25 years, the People’s Republic of China has gone through a long period of remarkable growth, lifting millions of people out of poverty. But this focus on growth has come at a cost, particularly in terms of environmental degradation, increasing socioeconomic and spatial inequalities, and the building up of fiscal liabilities at the local government level. Under the High-Quality Growth agenda, the People’s Republic of China seeks to rebalance the economy by addressing those negative side effects, and local governments will have a key role to play in the implementation of that agenda. In this paper, some critical aspects of the fiscal and institutional environment in which local governments operate are analyzed, and proposals are offered for the strengthening of local government finances.


2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xing Chen ◽  
Jintao Xu

The People's Republic of China (PRC) launched seven emissions trading scheme (ETS) pilot projects in 2013–2014 to explore a cost-effective approach for low-carbon development. The central government subsequently announced its plans for the full-fledged implementation of ETS in the entire PRC in late 2017. To ensure the success of ETS in the PRC, it is necessary to gain a better understanding of the experiences and lessons learned in the pilot projects. In this paper, we provide a policy overview of the seven pilot projects, including policy design, legislative basis, and market performance. We use the synthetic control method to evaluate the carbon mitigation effect of each of the seven ETS pilots. Our findings are that success has been limited and uneven across the pilot projects, which warrants deeper evaluation of the differences between them and caution in scheme expansion. Results from the analysis also shed light on policy improvements that can benefit the nationwide development of ETS.


Author(s):  
Scott M. Moore

From a comparative perspective, the People’s Republic of China represents perhaps the world’s most distinctive combination of political centralization and fiscal and administrative decentralization. The basic unity of the state, referred to as Dayitong (大一统), has long been seen as the organizing principle of governance in mainland China and underpins the modern system whereby decision- making is tightly concentrated at the central government level (Wang 2009). At the same time, however, the practical challenges of governing a large and diverse territory have historically led Chinese officials to delegate substantial administrative powers to subnational levels of government. Moreover, in economic terms China is one of the most decentralized countries in the world, with revenue and expenditure powers largely in the hands of local officials (Dziobek, Mangas, and Kufa 2011). Chinese officials are thus caught in an institutional matrix known as tiao-kuai (条- 块), in which they are responsible both to line control by functional bureaucracies, such as the various central government ministries, as well as to territorial government leaders, including mayors and provincial governors, and to equivalent officials within the parallel Chinese Communist Party (CCP) structure. The CCP effectively controls all important political appointments, creating a potent mechanism to ensure the coherence of central and local policy objectives (Mertha 2008). This matrix is intended to ensure that subnational officials pursue priorities set by the central government but also to provide them with the flexibility to implement these policies according to individual local circumstances. In practical terms, this flexibility also translates into autonomy in a wide range of policy areas, including water resource management. Like their counterparts in more politically decentralized countries, China’s subnational officials therefore also confront the dilemma of autonomy, and they sometimes attempt to resolve it through conflict with neighboring jurisdictions (Moore 2014a).


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-293
Author(s):  
Jean-Paul Wiest

Opposing news items about Christian churches in the People's Republic of China (PRC) are almost a daily fare. One article might speak of renewed religious fervor and the growth of churches, while the next one might tell of persecutions and arrests. The Catholic Church in China is symptomatic of this seemingly puzzling and precarious situation. This presentation briefly considers changes in the official policy of the central government toward religion and the variations in application at the local level. Then, it focuses on the divided Chinese Catholic Church and its relationship with the Holy See and the other local churches. Lingering obstacles as well as signs of healing are discussed.


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