scholarly journals Carbon Trading Scheme in the People's Republic of China: Evaluating the Performance of Seven Pilot Projects

2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xing Chen ◽  
Jintao Xu

The People's Republic of China (PRC) launched seven emissions trading scheme (ETS) pilot projects in 2013–2014 to explore a cost-effective approach for low-carbon development. The central government subsequently announced its plans for the full-fledged implementation of ETS in the entire PRC in late 2017. To ensure the success of ETS in the PRC, it is necessary to gain a better understanding of the experiences and lessons learned in the pilot projects. In this paper, we provide a policy overview of the seven pilot projects, including policy design, legislative basis, and market performance. We use the synthetic control method to evaluate the carbon mitigation effect of each of the seven ETS pilots. Our findings are that success has been limited and uneven across the pilot projects, which warrants deeper evaluation of the differences between them and caution in scheme expansion. Results from the analysis also shed light on policy improvements that can benefit the nationwide development of ETS.

2021 ◽  

This policy notes outlines recommendations for the 14th Five-Year Plan (2021–2025) for National Economic and Social Development of the People’s Republic of China that highlights high-quality green development. The plan emphasizes innovation as the core of modern development, relying on the dual circulation strategy as the growth paradigm coupled with reforms to increase living standards. Building on the achievements of the 13th Plan, it aims to reduce the carbon intensity of the economy and peak carbon dioxide emissions before 2030. This policy note’s recommendations focus on innovation-driven growth, low-carbon development, integration of urban–rural areas with deeper social inclusion, and population aging as priorities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (6) ◽  
pp. 97
Author(s):  
Baiping Zhang

China has been facing the dangerous dilemma of unbalanced regional development as the world does. With the coming of the two centenary goals, facing the peculiar difficulties and present conditions in Guizhou province, the central government of the People’s Republic of China made and implemented the catching-up strategy in Guizhou province in 2012. This paper regards implementing catching-up strategy in Guizhou province as a social quasi experiment, chooses 15 middle and western provinces or municipalities to compose control group, applies provincial panel data from 1998 to 2017, and uses synthetic control method to acquire a synthetic Guizhou province which is specified as a counterfactual condition of Guizhou after 2011 to study the economic effects of catching-up strategy quantitatively. The conclusion of positive econometric analysis indicates: from 2011 onward when implementing catching-up strategy, Guizhou Province’s growth rate of real GDP is higher than ‘the synthetic Guizhou’ by 1.4 percent to 3.4 percent. The paper asserts that in comparison with the universal strategy of regional development, practicing targeted catching-up strategy aiming at special region could realize surpassing speedily.


Author(s):  
Scott M. Moore

From a comparative perspective, the People’s Republic of China represents perhaps the world’s most distinctive combination of political centralization and fiscal and administrative decentralization. The basic unity of the state, referred to as Dayitong (大一统), has long been seen as the organizing principle of governance in mainland China and underpins the modern system whereby decision- making is tightly concentrated at the central government level (Wang 2009). At the same time, however, the practical challenges of governing a large and diverse territory have historically led Chinese officials to delegate substantial administrative powers to subnational levels of government. Moreover, in economic terms China is one of the most decentralized countries in the world, with revenue and expenditure powers largely in the hands of local officials (Dziobek, Mangas, and Kufa 2011). Chinese officials are thus caught in an institutional matrix known as tiao-kuai (条- 块), in which they are responsible both to line control by functional bureaucracies, such as the various central government ministries, as well as to territorial government leaders, including mayors and provincial governors, and to equivalent officials within the parallel Chinese Communist Party (CCP) structure. The CCP effectively controls all important political appointments, creating a potent mechanism to ensure the coherence of central and local policy objectives (Mertha 2008). This matrix is intended to ensure that subnational officials pursue priorities set by the central government but also to provide them with the flexibility to implement these policies according to individual local circumstances. In practical terms, this flexibility also translates into autonomy in a wide range of policy areas, including water resource management. Like their counterparts in more politically decentralized countries, China’s subnational officials therefore also confront the dilemma of autonomy, and they sometimes attempt to resolve it through conflict with neighboring jurisdictions (Moore 2014a).


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-293
Author(s):  
Jean-Paul Wiest

Opposing news items about Christian churches in the People's Republic of China (PRC) are almost a daily fare. One article might speak of renewed religious fervor and the growth of churches, while the next one might tell of persecutions and arrests. The Catholic Church in China is symptomatic of this seemingly puzzling and precarious situation. This presentation briefly considers changes in the official policy of the central government toward religion and the variations in application at the local level. Then, it focuses on the divided Chinese Catholic Church and its relationship with the Holy See and the other local churches. Lingering obstacles as well as signs of healing are discussed.


2019 ◽  
Vol 241 ◽  
pp. 236-246
Author(s):  
Alex Raymond

AbstractImmediately following the Battle of Chamdo in October 1950, during the period between November 1950 and April 1951, the leaders of the new People's Republic of China (PRC) had two priorities in regard to Tibet. The first was to persuade the Tibetan government to send delegates to Beijing as soon as possible in order to start “negotiations,” and the second was to prevent the Dalai Lama from fleeing Tibet. Using Chinese documents that offer a new version of the process that led to these “negotiations,” this study, without addressing the international issues in detail, illustrates how the leaders of the PRC, either with promises, threats or even by bluff, were able to attain their goals.


1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-399

The fifteenth session of the Economic and Social Council met at United Nations headquarters in New York from March 31 to April 28, 1953. Mr. Raymond Scheyven (Belgium) was elected President, Mr. Rodolfo Munoz (Argentina) first vice-president and Mr. Henryk Birecki (Poland) second vicepresident. After a proposal by the United States that discussion of a Soviet motion to seat the representative of the Central Government of the People's Republic of China be adjourned for the duration of the session had been adopted by a vote of 14 to 4, the Council turned to consideration of an agenda of some 29 items.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefan Rau

The achievements in rapid urbanization and industrialization of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) over the past 40 years were historic. But they came at high environmental and social costs. By 2050, the country will be a high-income, four-generation urban society. Yet, according to the United Nations, the PRC’s population will have halved by 2100. Many cities will lose population and businesses. This will be equally historic and requires urgent action. The author recommends focusing on urban rehabilitation and retrofitting to make cities more livable—with a green circular zero-waste economy, aiming at low-carbon, climate-resilient cities—and making cities healthy and friendly for people of all ages.


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