scholarly journals The “Indo-Pacific”: Intellectual Origins and International Visions in Global Contexts

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Hansong Li

Abstract As the “Indo-Pacific” concept gains currency in public discourses on foreign policy, it remains poorly understood as an idea, due to inadequate surveys of its intellectual origins and international visions in global contexts. This article studies Karl Haushofer's theory of the “Indo-Pacific” as an organic and integral space primed for political consciousness. Haushofer not only laid the oceanographic foundation of the “Indo-Pacific” with novel evidence in marine sciences, ethnography, and philology, but also legitimated it as a social and political space. Mindful of Germany's geopolitical predicament in the interwar period and informed by sources in indology and sinology, Haushofer envisaged the political resurrection of South, East, and Southeast Asia against colonial domination, and conceived the “Indo-Pacific” vision for remaking the international order.

2014 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 394-414
Author(s):  
Heather Streets-Salter

In June 1931, British authorities in Singapore arrested a Comintern operative using the name Joseph Ducroux. An address book found on his person then led the Shanghai Municipal Police to Hilaire Noulens and his wife, both Comintern agents, who were collectively in charge of funneling all monies and communications between the Comintern, the Chinese Communist Party, and Communist organizations throughout East Asia. The arrest of the Noulens, and the material found in their apartments, compromised hundreds of Communists and their international networks in East and Southeast Asia. The case materials themselves, found in British, French, and Dutch archives, expose the ways the Comintern’s Far Eastern Bureau used Soviet capital and an international cast of characters to combat European imperialism in East and Southeast Asia during the interwar period. Although these efforts suffered from serious weaknesses, European colonial administrators nevertheless worried constantly about the specter of an all-powerful Soviet machine bent on world domination. Their response was cross-colonial collaboration to undermine and destroy the Comintern’s activities in the region. This article explores the circumstances surrounding the Noulens Affair, as it came to be known, to argue that the global struggle between communism and anti-communism that marked the years of the Cold War after 1945 cannot be adequately understood without reference to this earlier, interwar period.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Colin Chia

Abstract Identities and ideas can lead to international order contestation through the efforts of international actors to socially position themselves and perform their identities. International actors try to shape the world to suit who they want to be. To substantiate this argument, I examine the contestation of international orders in early modern Southeast Asia. The prevailing view portrays a Confucian international order which formed a consensual and stable hierarchy in East Asia. However, instead of acquiescing to hegemonic leadership, both Siam and Vietnam frequently sought to assert their equality and even superiority to the Chinese dynasties. I argue that both polities engaged in political contention to define their places in relation to other polities and the broader social context in which they interacted. I examine how international order contestation emerged from efforts to define and redefine background knowledge about social positioning, social categorization, and the political ontologies and beliefs about collective purpose on which they are based. I claim that agents seek to interact with others in ways that reify their sense of self, and challenge the background knowledge embedded in performances of other actors that threaten their ability to perform their identity. I also argue against theories that attribute international order contestation to hegemonic decline or the breakdown of a tacit bargain, which assume that orders are held together by a dominant power. One implication is that hegemony and hierarchy are based on dominant ideas, not dominant states.


2018 ◽  
pp. 42-46
Author(s):  
Vitalii Shcherbak

It is outlined in the article the level of political consciousness of the Cossack officers of the Zaporozhian Army in the second half of the 17 century. Summer 1665 Petro Doroshenko, experienced Cossak leader, became Hetman of Right-Bank Ukraine. He made great efforts to unite all ethnic Ukrainian lands into the one state. Hetman sought at the same time to find an understanding with both the Tsar of Moscow and the King of Rzecz Pospolita. However, their efforts for retaining the lands of the Zaporozhian Army, influenced on to the Doroshenko foreign policy vector. With the signing Andrusovo Truce between Moscovia and Rzecz Pospolita (Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth) in January 1667, Hetman hopes to unite under his power both banks of the Dnieper became problematic. That’s why, he decided to cooperate with Ottoman Porte. Sultan Mehmed IV responded positively to the request of the Ukrainian hetman. The ongoing diplomatic contacts was culminated by the decision of Chyhyryn Cossack Council on 10 August 1668, of the begging of legal official relations. The project of Ukrainian-Turkish agreement clearly demonstrated the domination of the idea of own state under the rule of the Ottoman Porte in the political consciousness of the right-bank officers. First of all, it was stated that the new agreement had to continue the tradition launched by Bohdan Khmelnytskyi in its orientation to the Ottoman Empire. It contained a significant note, that Turkish troops, during hostilities in Ukraine, were unconditionally subordinated to Zaporozhian Army Hetman. Suzerain was forbidden to interfere in domestic Ukrainian affairs, in particular in a time Hetman elections. The Union should have been “a true friendship and consent”, on the sample treaty between Turkey and the Crimean Khanate. It was clearly defined boundaries of Ukrainian state and conditioned by the question under what circumstances Zaporizhzhya Army could go to break the treaty.


2019 ◽  
pp. 531-556
Author(s):  
S.R. Osmani

Soon after independence from British rule, the South Asia region seemed to have a much better prospect than many other parts of the developing world; the prospects soon dimmed, however, as South Asia crawled while East and Southeast Asia galloped away. But a large part of the region seems finally to have turned a corner and is looking forward to a much better future—in terms of growth, poverty reduction and human development. This chapter describes and explains this story in terms of economic strategies and the political economy of the region and also looks ahead to identify the major challenges that remain—focusing on Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka.


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