Mapping ‘Militant Democracy’: Variation in Party Ban Practices in European Democracies (1945-2015)

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 221-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angela K. Bourne ◽  
Fernando Casal Bértoa

Introduction – Explaining party bans, political and legal contexts – Banned parties and banning states in Europe, the political context – Nature of banned parties – Nature of banning states – Tolerant and intolerant democracies, the legal context – Evolving rationales for party bans and procedures for proscription – Contemporary rationales for banning parties – Anti-democratic ideology – Non-democratic internal organisation – Party names – Party orientation to violence – Protecting the present order – Evolving rationales for party bans – Weimar and legitimacy paradigms – Conclusions, directions for future research

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-36
Author(s):  
Holly J. McCammon ◽  
Cathryn Beeson-Lynch

Drawing on social-movement and sociolegal theorizing, we investigate legal-framing innovations in the briefs of reproductive-rights cause lawyers in prominent US Supreme Court abortion cases. Our results show that pro-choice activist attorneys engage in innovative women’s-rights framing when the political-legal context is more resistant to abortion rights for women, that is, when the political-legal opportunity structure is generally closed to reproductive-rights activism. We consider reproductive-rights framing in three types of pivotal abortion cases over the last half-century: challenges to limitations on public funding of abortion, challenges to regulations that include multiple restrictions on abortion access, and challenges to bans on second-trimester abortions. Our analysis proceeds both qualitatively and quantitatively, with close reading of the briefs to distill the main women’s-rights frames, a count analysis using text mining to examine use of the frames in the briefs, and assessment of the political-judicial context to discern its influence on cause-lawyer legal framing. We conclude by theorizing the importance of the broader political-legal context in understanding cause-lawyer legal-framing innovations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 709-731
Author(s):  
Huu Dat Tran

(1) The study investigated the social network surrounding the hashtags #maga (Make America Great Again, the campaign slogan popularized by Donald Trump during his 2016 and 2020 presidential campaigns) and #trump2020 on Twitter to better understand Donald Trump, his community of supporters, and their political discourse and activities in the political context of the 2020 US presidential election. (2) Social network analysis of a sample of 220,336 tweets from 96,820 unique users, posted between 27 October and 2 November 2020 (i.e., one week before the general election day) was conducted. (3) The most active and influential users within the #maga and #trump2020 network, the likelihood of those users being spamming bots, and their tweets’ content were revealed. (4) The study then discussed the hierarchy of Donald Trump and the problematic nature of spamming bot detection, while also providing suggestions for future research.


2001 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond D Gordon

AbstractSensemaking is recognised as one of the key contemporary approaches to organisation studies. It not only responds to current debates in the field, but also appears to offer a way out of the unproductive and misguided paradigm wars of recent times. The sensemaking literature, however, addresses power implicitly. Sensemaking and the power-knowledge nexus is discussed, giving rise to an argument that suggests the sense people make in organizations may not be entirely their own. Rather, the sense people make may be largely constituted for them in the sense criteria (historical antecedents - constituted knowledge and codes of order) and the political context of the setting in and of, which they are making sense. Implications for managers and future research in regard to how people come to make the sense that they do are contemplated.


Author(s):  
Raymond D Gordon

AbstractSensemaking is recognised as one of the key contemporary approaches to organisation studies. It not only responds to current debates in the field, but also appears to offer a way out of the unproductive and misguided paradigm wars of recent times. The sensemaking literature, however, addresses power implicitly. Sensemaking and the power-knowledge nexus is discussed, giving rise to an argument that suggests the sense people make in organizations may not be entirely their own. Rather, the sense people make may be largely constituted for them in the sense criteria (historical antecedents - constituted knowledge and codes of order) and the political context of the setting in and of, which they are making sense. Implications for managers and future research in regard to how people come to make the sense that they do are contemplated.


2017 ◽  
Vol 61 (8) ◽  
pp. 887-907 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Luna ◽  
Hillel David Soifer

Though there are many existing measures of state capacity, few capture its sub-national territorial variation in a reliable and valid way. This article proposes a novel, survey-based, measurement strategy for state capacity that is tailored to address this limitation of existing measures, and apply it to contemporary Latin America. We describe cross-national variation in state capacity based on data produced by our measure, engage in a series of validation exercises to show that it taps this concept rather than related elements of the political context, and map variation in sub-national stateness in Latin America. The article closes with an agenda for future research applying our measurement strategy to assess sub-national variation in stateness, in Latin America and beyond.


Author(s):  
Lara Deeb ◽  
Mona Harb

South Beirut has recently become a vibrant leisure destination with a plethora of cafés and restaurants that cater to the young, fashionable, and pious. What effects have these establishments had on the moral norms, spatial practices, and urban experiences of this Lebanese community? From the diverse voices of young Shi'i Muslims searching for places to hang out, to the Hezbollah officials who want this media-savvy generation to be more politically involved, to the religious leaders worried that Lebanese youth are losing their moral compasses, this book provides a sophisticated and original look at leisure in the Lebanese capital. What makes a café morally appropriate? How do people negotiate morality in relation to different places? And under what circumstances might a pious Muslim go to a café that serves alcohol? This book highlights tensions and complexities exacerbated by the presence of multiple religious authorities, a fraught sectarian political context, class mobility, and a generation that takes religion for granted but wants to have fun. The book elucidates the political, economic, religious, and social changes that have taken place since 2000, and examines leisure's influence on Lebanese sociopolitical and urban situations. Asserting that morality and geography cannot be fully understood in isolation from one another, the book offers a colorful new understanding of the most powerful community in Lebanon today.


2019 ◽  
pp. 108-137
Author(s):  
O. I. Kiyanskaya ◽  
D. M. Feldman

The analysis is focused on the pragmatics of V. Lenin’s articles ‘Party Organization and Party Literature’ [‘Partiynaya organizatsia i partiynaya literatura’] (1905) and ‘How to Ensure Success of the Constituent Assembly (on freedom of the press)’ [‘Kak obespechit uspekh Uchreditelnogo sobraniya (o svobode pechati)’] (1917). Foreign and Russian scholars alike considered the two works as components of the concept of Socialist state literature and journalism, conceived before the Soviet era. Based on examination of the political context, this work proves that Lenin was driven to write the articles by his fight for leadership in RSDRP. In 1905, Lenin obtained control over Novaya Zhizn, the newspaper under M. Gorky’s editorship, and insisted that opponents had to follow his censorship guidelines: the press had to become a propaganda tool rather than a source of income. Twelve years on, Lenin’s principles still reigned. 


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