Marital Status of Women Aged 25-44: 2002

2004 ◽  
Author(s):  
The Lancet ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 334 (8674) ◽  
pp. 1286
Author(s):  
Mike Murphy ◽  
Jill Dawson ◽  
Ray Fitzpatrick

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 95-109 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Foster Hartley

SummaryAlthough an interest in illegitimacy as a societal phenomenon is often limited by the scarcity of data, we may utilize recognized procedures of standardization in estimating illegitimacy ratios and rates where none are reported.When we know only the age-specific marital status of women in the childbearing years (15 to 44) we may utilize age-specific legitimate and illegitimate fertility rates of the high and low illegitimacy countries, Jamaica and Japan, to estimate the range within which a national ratio would fall. In all there are sixty-eight major countries of the world for which we have that minimum data on age and marital status of females.Some of those countries also report the number and percentage of illegitimate births but offer no information on age-specific rates. In those cases we may compare the ratios produced by the four model sets of rates (run against actual age and marital status for the sixty-eight nations) with the ratio actually reported by individual countries. Where the ratio produced by a model matches the reported ratio, with similar crude birth rates, we may assume similar age-specific legitimate and illegitimate fertility rates. Even where there is no perfect match we still learn something of the general pattern of rates.Finally, the output of the standardization procedure also allows a comparison of the relative importance of marital status versus differential illegitimate fertility rates in determining the percentage of births out of wedlock.While we must recognize the problems inherent in international comparisons of illegitimacy, the subject is of such significance that we cannot and we need not wait for more, or more perfect, data to be available. Rather, an increased interest in maximizing whatever comparative data we do find, may, in itself, aid in the improvement of methods and reliability of collection and publication of relevant information.


Author(s):  
Gulfiya Yu. Sultanguzhina ◽  

Introduction. This article attempts a review of key trends in the transformation of Bashkir women’s social status within the family framework between 1917 and 1927. Goals. The study employs newly discovered data to show some specific features in the marital status of Bashkiria’s women in the 1920s. Materials and Methods. Relevant documents from the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History and the National Archive of the Republic of Bashkortostan served as the main sources for the research; published materials on the subject also proved as instrumental and efficient. The research methods employed include statistical, descriptive, and comparative historical ones. Results. The research indicates that the period under consideration was marked by the struggle of dedicated women to improve their positions in various spheres including that of the family. The struggle was long and painstaking. In Bashkiria, the old ways were changing slowly, and throughout those years traditional Bashkir customs and perceptions continued to play an important role in regulating family and marriage institutions. Such phenomena as polygamy, early marriages (including unwilled and unequal ones), kalym and others were still quite common. Nevertheless, the first decade of Soviet rule in the republic was also a period of serious success marked by advancing the de facto equality of women in the family, and the legislative measures did seek to improve the marital status of women. The analysis shows that in the period in question was witnessing a radical transformation in women’s positions in the family and everyday life contexts. The research allows for a conclusion that the image of a ‘new woman’ in the family sphere was being shaped during the first Soviet decade.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keemee Das ◽  
Madhushree Das

Although marriage is a social institution but marital status and age at marriage are important demographic determinants as these aspects influence the pattern of fertility and natural growth of population. Studying the various aspects of marital status of any population group especially the figures related to women can give an exposition about the probability of fertility rate as well as social manifestation prevailing in the society. It also helps to understand the preferred specific age at marriage for women. However, little is known about the marital status of women living in Assam cutting across religions—Hindu, Muslim and Christian. In this backdrop, an attempt has been made through this research to examine the changing trend of marital status among the Hindu, Muslim and Christian women of Assam. The research is based on secondary data and Census information and considers the entire state of Assam. Census data of 2001 and 2011 shows interesting and striking information about the changing situation of marital status among the Hindus, Muslims and Christians of the state. It is arguable that the study linked to female marital status is saliently more influencing in this context as it determines the socio-economic status of women and pattern of fertility in any society. Among the different religions of Assam, Hindu women have the highest married proportion followed by Christian while Muslim is the lowest in the same category. Depending on the socio-cultural practices, economic conditions and the level of educational attainment, the age at marriage varies among the religious groups. The proportion of woman being married at a younger age has been less, is an indication of advancement in the educational scenario.  


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