High Schools and Career Readiness: Strengthening the Pipeline to the Middle Class

2013 ◽  
1986 ◽  
Vol 63 (2) ◽  
pp. 379-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arthur G. Richardson

This research was designed to inquire into factors in creativity. In Study 1, a battery of eight creativity measures was administered to a random sample of 275 Jamaican middle-class 16-yr.-olds (73 boys and 202 girls) drawn from the Grade 11 population of high schools in Kingston. Study 2 mounted two years later was a replication involving a comparable sample of 320 subjects (101 boys and 219 girls). Factor analysis of the creativity scores collected in Study 1 indicated the presence of two factors of creativity, a verbal factor and a nonverbal factor. Similar confirming findings also emerged in Study 2.


2013 ◽  
Vol 115 (5) ◽  
pp. 1-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joshua Klugman

Background Access to Advanced Placement (AP) courses is stratified by class and race. Researchers have identified how schools serving disadvantaged students suffer from various kinds of resource deprivations, concluding that interventions are needed to equalize access to AP courses. On the other hand, the theory of Effectively Maintained Inequality (EMI) argues that schools serving advantaged students may perpetuate inequalities by expanding their AP curriculum so their graduates can be competitive in the college admissions process. Research Questions Between 2000 and 2002, California attempted to expand AP offerings and enrollments. This study answers whether or not this intervention narrowed inequalities in AP along class and racial lines. It also examines if community affluence affects district officials’ views of pressures to offer AP courses, which could explain any effectively maintained inequalities in AP access. Research Design This study uses a panel dataset of all California public high schools from 1997 to 2006. It examines the changing effects of school poverty, upper-middle class presence, and school racial composition on offerings of and enrollments in AP subjects. It supplements the quantitative analysis with interviews from 11 school district officials in California conducted in 2006. Results Hierarchical generalized linear models show that upper-middle class presence structures California high schools’ AP subject offerings and enrollments, much more than school poverty. California's intervention resulted in increased AP subject offerings and enrollments in high schools serving disadvantaged and less advantaged students, but these reductions in deprivation had trivial effects on inequalities, since schools serving advantaged students increased their own AP offerings and enrollments. In addition, high schools serving White and Asian students had larger increases in AP offerings and enrollments than high schools serving Black and Hispanic students. Interview data indicate that officials in affluent districts perceived a greater demand for AP subjects, and were more likely to report their school staff was proactive to initiate new AP courses than officials in districts serving working-class communities. Conclusions The findings document that while policies can increase AP access at schools serving low-income students, the actions of affluent schools and families will pose substantial barriers to achieving parity in AP offerings and enrollments. Moreover, studies gauging resource inequalities among schools may underestimate these inequalities if they use school poverty to measure schools’ socioeconomic composition.


Author(s):  
Chester E. Finn ◽  
Andrew E. Scanlan

This chapter discusses the earliest days of Advanced Placement (AP) and the growing pains of its first two decades. At the outset, AP was explicitly intended for the strongest students at top high schools, those who “already had the luxury of being bound for prestigious colleges and universities, room to excel and an inducement to continue to work hard.” However, while the lore surrounding the program's birth associates it mostly with eastern prep schools, in fact the “pioneer schools” were a mix of independent and public institutions, the latter mostly located in upper-middle-class suburbs of major cities in the East and Midwest. Acceleration and degree credit were not the only appeal—or benefit—of AP. Many students were “content with the enrichment that the AP courses had provided” and “never applied for either AP credit or advancement in college.” For all the excitement and expansion, however, after two decades AP remained predominantly a boon for relatively privileged kids.


1961 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-212
Author(s):  
D. D. Karve

Education on western lines began in India by the middle of the nineteenth century with the establishment of a few high schools and colleges in the larger cities of Calcutta, Madras, Bombay, and Poona. The three oldest universities in India, those at the “Presidency” capitals of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay were incorporated in 1858 and the first graduates in arts and law came out soon thereafter. Normally most of the arts graduates entered the middle ranks of the administrative services and received, according to the standards of the times, relatively attractive remuneration. Also, they were greatly respected in the middle class society of those days. The law graduates also did well as advocates and lower grade judges, and a few even won such coveted posts as seats on the benches of the High Courts.


2006 ◽  
Vol 16 (35) ◽  
pp. 349-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nermin Celen ◽  
Figen Cok ◽  
Harke A. Bosma ◽  
H. Zijsling Djurre

This study attempted to investigate decisional autonomy in Turkish adolescents from 12 to 18 years. The Perspectives on Adolescent Decision Making (PADM) questionnaire was administered to 372 middle class adolescents who attend middle and high schools and to their parents. The PADM assess if adolescents decide for themselves, or parents impose restrictions or adolescents and parents have arguments about the topic. MANOVA analyzes were used. Results showed that affirmative answers increased with age. From adolescent and parents' perspectives adolescent decisional autonomy grows with age, parental control decreases, conflicts between them tended to decrease, on the perspective of parents. There was minor gender differences: girls have higher level of decisional autonomy; boys experience more conflict. Adolescents' decisional autonomy expectations tended to be higher than those of parents. Fathers' and mothers' perspectives on decisional autonomy were very similar. The results support the new family model proposed by Kaðýtçýbaþý.


1986 ◽  
Vol 32 ◽  
pp. 321-353

Oleg Alexander Kerensky was born in St Petersburg on 16 April 1905 into a well-to-do middle-class family. His father was the Alexander Kerensky who, after the February 1917 revolution in Russia, became a member of the Provisional Government formed by the Duma, first as Minister of Justice, then as Minister of War and of the Navy. In July of that year he headed the reorganized government as Prime Minister until the Bolsheviks took over power in the October Revolution. Before then Alexander Kerensky had been a barrister and, from 1912, a member of the Duma, where he had become leader of the Trudoviki group, the moderately left opposition to the Tsarist régime. In the male line, Oleg’s great-grandfather was an orthodox priest. Oleg’s paternal grandfather, Feodor M. Kerensky, not wishing to follow the family tradition of becoming a priest, went to the University of Kazan and became first a teacher, then a school inspector, and then headmaster of two high schools in Simbirsk, one for boys and the other for girls. Feodor’s wife was a general’s daughter and the niece of a professor of divinity in the University of Kazan. When Alexander Oleg’s father, was nine years old, Feodor was further promoted to be the Inspector of Education for the then very recently acquired province of Turkestan, so the family went to live in Tashkent and the children did not see European Russia again until the time came to go to university in St Petersburg.


Author(s):  
Mike Chanslor ◽  
Janet Buzzard

This chapter explores the current demographic and political/economic landscape of higher education and offers possible responses to challenges of retaining a useful, modern liberal arts perspective that addresses the needs of a career readiness emphasis. These responses include the possible compression of higher education through more efficient curricula design and delivery, partnerships with high schools to help build career pathways for traditional students, and the offering of alternative micro-credentials, such as certificate programs. The importance of aligning higher education with workforce needs is also addressed.


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