Long-distance agreement withoutProbe-Goalrelations

2009 ◽  
pp. 41-56
Author(s):  
Omer Preminger
Keyword(s):  
Long Distance ◽  
Long Distance Agreement

scholarly journals A Reanalysis of Long Distance Agreement in Urdu

1993 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 52
Author(s):  
Miriam Butt
Keyword(s):  
Annual Meeting ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
General Session ◽  
Long Distance Agreement ◽  
Semantic Typology

Proceedings of the Nineteenth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session and Parasession on Semantic Typology and Semantic Universals (1993)

Raising, inversion and agreement in modern Hebrew

2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 147-179
Author(s):  
NURIT MELNIK
Keyword(s):  
Information Structure ◽  
Phrase Structure ◽  
Theoretical Work ◽  
The Other ◽  
Phrase Structure Grammar ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Modern Hebrew ◽  
Embedded Clause ◽  
Long Distance Agreement ◽  
Subject Raising

This paper focuses on the interaction between raising, subject–verb inversion and agreement in Modern Hebrew. It identifies, alongside ‘standard’ (i.e., English-like) subject-to-subject raising, two additional patterns where the embedded subject appears post-verbally. In one, the raising predicate exhibits long-distance agreement with the embedded subject, while in the other, a colloquial variant, it is marked with impersonal (3sm) agreement. The choice between the three raising constructions in the language is shown to be solely dependent on properties of the embedded clause. The data are discussed and analyzed against a background of typological and theoretical work on raising. The analysis, cast in the framework of Head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar (HPSG), builds on research on raising, selectional locality, agreement, subjecthood and information structure, as well as verb-initial constructions in Modern Hebrew.

The Syntax of Existential Constructions

2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 393-430 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Hazout
Keyword(s):  
Combined Effect ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Clausal Structure ◽  
Existential Interpretation ◽  
The Matrix ◽  
Existential Constructions ◽  
Long Distance Agreement ◽  
Feature Checking

This article outlines an account of the syntax of existential constructions (e.g., There are [too many problems]) based on a view of the postcopular NPas a predicate. This NPfigures as the predicate in an embedded clausal complement of be with expletivethere as its subject. There consequently moves to the higher Spec, IPposition for Case-theoretic reasons. Existential constructions and existential interpretation are a particular instance of a wider phenomenon involving the use of predicates of various categories with expletive subjects (e.g., It is cold).Long-distance agreement between the main (inflected) verb and the postcopular NPis a combined effect of the relation of subject-predicate agreement holding between the expletive subject (there) and a predicate NPwithin the embedded clausal structure and the relation of specifier-head agreement (feature checking) between the raised expletive and the matrix I/T. This analysis is generalized to other cases of long-distance agreement (e.g., There appeared a man). It is shown that an analysis based on the notionAgree (Chomsky 2000) is empirically inadequate. Well-known restrictions on the distribution of NPs/ DPs in existential constructions follow from the proposed analysis.

Checking Up on (ϕ-)Agree

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 527-569 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bronwyn M. Bjorkman ◽  
Hedde Zeijlstra
Keyword(s):  
Long Distance ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Long Distance Agreement

We argue for a uniformly upward-probing implementation of Agree (Upward Agree, UA), showing that it can account for a wide range of long-distance agreement phenomena, including cases that have been cited as evidence against earlier UA models of ϕ-agreement. Our core revision to earlier UA approaches is a distinction between checking and valuation: while we maintain that checking is strictly regulated by UA, we propose that valuation depends on a secondary relation of accessibility, which allows valuation of a higher probe by a lower, accessible goal, in cases where the checker of the probe cannot (fully) value it. This model provides a better account of asymmetries between Spec-head agreement and long-distance agreement patterns, and also accounts for movement-agreement interactions without a need for EPP features.

scholarly journals Obligational Constructions in New Indo-Aryan Languages of Western India

2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-107
Author(s):  
Liudmila V. Khokhlova
Keyword(s):  
Western India ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
Syntactic Properties ◽  
Long Distance Agreement ◽  
Semantic Properties

Abstract The paper describes historical roots as well as syntactic and semantic properties of the three main obligational constructions in modern Hindi-Urdu, Punjabi, Rajasthani 1 and Gujarati2 These constructions differ from one another by the degree and by the type of obligation. The main syntactic properties of obligational constructions discussed in the paper are Agent marking and long distance agreement rules. It will be demonstrated that the increasing frequency of the Dative instead of the Instrumental Agent marking in constructions of obligation was part of the gradual destruction of the ‘passive syntax’ typical for the climactic stage of ergative development.

scholarly journals Against some approaches to long-distance agreement without AGREE

2020 ◽  
pp. 215-246
Author(s):  
Carson T. Schütze
Keyword(s):  
Phase Boundary ◽  
Long Distance ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Strong Phase ◽  
Covert Movement ◽  
Long Distance Agreement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Satisfactory Theory

With the introduction of AGREE into Minimalism by Chomsky (2000), the relationship between the two elements in an agreement relationship went from being strictly local (Specifier-Head) to being unbounded (c-command with no intervening strong phase boundary) in order to accommodate long-distance agreement phenomena. Concern over the less restricted nature of the new approach led researchers to propose alternatives that eschewed the unbounded reach of AGREE , in the hope that a more restrictive theory might yet be salvaged. This paper scrutinizes some of the most widely cited and fully developed of these alternative proposals (employing predicate inversion of expletives, restructuring, covert movement), applied to extensively studied spheres of data (English existentials, Icelandic agreement), and concludes that they are deeply, perhaps fatally, flawed. While Chomsky’s version of AGREE is far from providing a complete and satisfactory theory of agreement, it has yet to be shown that it can be eliminated.

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