Extraposition and antisymmetry

2010 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
pp. 201-251 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle Sheehan
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Base Position ◽  
Copy Theory ◽  
Condition C

‘Extraposition’ is a cover term for two distinct phenomena (cf. also Fox & Nissenbaum 1999; Kiss 2005). The first, which I assume to be derived by parallel construal (following Koster 2000), targets only RCs, blocks reconstruction of the extraposed constituent to the base position of the source, and as such has the effect of bleeding condition C. The second, which I claim is derived via scattered deletion, targets post-head complements/modifiers, triggers obligatory reconstruction of the source+complement/modifier to base-position and leaves extraposed complements open to subextraction, all else being equal. The scattered deletion of spec+head and complement is argued to be derived from Uriagereka's (1999) simplification of the LCA, and the copy theory of labelling (cf. Sheehan 2010). Keywords: linearisation; extraposition; multiple spell-out; LCA; labelling; reconstruction; relative clause; complement PP; scattered deletion

Reconstruction in relative clauses and the copy theory of traces*

2005 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 5-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlo Cecchetto
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Minimalist Program ◽  
Variable Binding ◽  
Current Formulation ◽  
The Status ◽  
Copy Theory ◽  
Methodological Problems ◽  
Condition C ◽  
The One

In this paper, after discussing the status of the copy theory of traces in the current formulation of the minimalist program and the evidence for the “No-Tampering” Condition from which the copy theory of traces follows, I focus on a specific case study, namely reconstruction effects concerning the head of a relative clause. The common wisdom in the literature is that reconstruction of the relative clause head can be observed by using variable binding as a diagnostic, while the diagnostic based on Condition C gives opposite results. This split has led some researchers to propose that relative clauses are structurally ambiguous, because they would receive both a raising analysis (which explains variable binding reconstruction) and a non-raising analysis (which explains the absence of Condition C reconstruction). One of the goals of this paper is showing that it is not necessary to postulate that relative clauses are structurally ambiguous. In order to do that, I first show that the description in the literature is partly inaccurate. If some methodological problems raised by the use of transitive nouns are avoided, it can be shown that variable binding reconstruction occurs only when the relative clause modifies the subject of an equative sentence. This suggests that variable binding reconstruction of the relative clause head is not an ordinary case of reconstruction like the one found in canonicalwhchains but should be treated as a case of indirect binding, which is known to be sensitive to the identificational (as opposed to predicational) character of the sentence. I then show that, if this perspective is taken, the absence of Condition C effects can be explained without positing a structural ambiguity. The final result of the investigation is that, despite the initially puzzling evidence, the copy theory of traces can successfully explain the reconstruction pattern of the relative clause head.

scholarly journals Undoing Wh-Movement: On the Need for Multiple Copies

Philosophies ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 99
Author(s):  
Jacek Witkoś
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause ◽  
Structural Complexity ◽  
The Novel ◽  
Multiple Copies ◽  
Scholarly Discussion ◽  
Condition C

This contribution presents an outline of the current scholarly discussion of reconstruction with wh-movement, focussing on the Lebeaux Effect (LE) and wider aspects of reconstruction with wh-movement. It presents empirical problems for both the proposals based on the LE and the novel account of movement and reconstruction based on the notion of Minimal Copy. It points out that particular copies may differ not only in size (i.e., they do or do not include the adjunct as a relative clause or PP) but also in content. It refers to an analysis, where copies left by movement are levelled with copies left by ellipsis and subject to the mechanism of Vehicle Change. An account of reconstruction including multiple copies and Vehicle Change predicts that the structural complexity of the wh-phrase and its distance from the offending c-commanding pronoun (embedding and obviation effects) should contribute to an amelioration of Condition C in addition to the LE.

A new method of complex structure analysis by electron microscopy

1978 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 628-629
Author(s):  
V.V. Rybin ◽  
E.V. Voronina
Keyword(s):  
Complex Structure ◽  
Reciprocal Lattice ◽  
Stacking Faults ◽  
Plastic Strains ◽  
Base Position ◽  
Structural Regularity ◽  
Orientation Matrix ◽  
Computerized Processing ◽  
Fully Automatic ◽  
Diffraction Patterns

Recently, it has become essential to develop a helpful method of the complete crystallographic identification of fine fragmented crystals. This was maainly due to the investigation into structural regularity of large plastic strains. The method should be practicable for determining crystallographic orientation (CO) of elastically stressed micro areas of the order of several micron fractions in size and filled with λ>1010 cm-2 density dislocations or stacking faults. The method must provide the misorientation vectors of the adjacent fragments when the angle ω changes from 0 to 180° with the accuracy of 0,3°. The problem is that the actual electron diffraction patterns obtained from fine fragmented crystals are the superpositions of reflections from various fragments, though more than one or two reflections from a fragment are hardly possible. Finally, the method should afford fully automatic computerized processing of the experimental results.The proposed method meets all the above requirements. It implies the construction for a certain base position of the crystal the orientation matrix (0M) A, which gives a single intercorrelation between the coordinates of the unity vector in the reference coordinate system (RCS) and those of the same vector in the crystal reciprocal lattice base : .

Emotion Nouns Pulverize Spanish Relative Clause High- Attachment Preferences

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Fraga ◽  
Ana Pineiro ◽  
Carlos Acuna ◽  
Jaime Redondo
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause

The Generalization of Instruction on Genitive Relative Clause in the Acquisition of English as a Foreign Language

2006 ◽  
Vol 151 ◽  
pp. 99-113
Author(s):  
Akihiro Ito
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Language ◽  
Language Learning ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Foreign Language Learning ◽  
Control Group ◽  
Test Results ◽  
Japanese Learners Of English ◽  
Special Instruction ◽  
Japanese Learners

This study examines the generalization of instruction in foreign language learning. A group of Japanese learners of English served as participants and received special instruction in the structure of genitive relative clauses. The participants were given a pre-test on combining two sentences into one containing a genitive relative clause wherein the relativized noun phrase following the genitive marker "whose" is either the subject, direct object, or object of preposition. Based on the TOEFL and the pre-test results, four equal groups were formed; three of these served as experimental groups, and one as the control group. Each experimental group was given instruction on the formation of only one type of genitive relative clause. The participants were then given two post-tests. The results indicated that the generalization of learning begins from structures that are typologically more marked genitive relative clauses to those structures that are typologically less marked, and not vice versa.

scholarly journals Oblique nominals, a verbal affix and late merge

Linguistics ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (6) ◽  
pp. 1737-1773
Author(s):  
Kyumin Kim
Keyword(s):  
Head Movement ◽  
Phrase Structure ◽  
Surface Appearance ◽  
Verbal Prefixes ◽  
Base Position ◽  
Object Properties ◽  
Main Verb ◽  
Minimalist Syntax

AbstractThe goal of this paper is to address the syntax of certain oblique nominals in Blackfoot (Algonquian) that are introduced by a set of verbal prefixes called linkers. In the literature, an oblique nominal introduced by a verbal affix always shows certain properties of objects, e.g., agreement. This type of affix is analyzed as forming a complex verb with the main verb via head movement, and the oblique nominal is treated as an object of the complex verb. However, this paper demonstrates that oblique nominals introduced by linkers in Blackfoot do not show certain object properties even though the linker looks like it forms a complex verb. Building on the lack of object properties, linker phrases are proposed to be adjuncts. As proposed for adjuncts generally (e.g., Stephanov, Arthur. 2001. Late adjunction and minimalist phrase structure. Syntax 4(2). 94–125), this paper proposes a late merge analysis for linker phrases. Within an Agree-based model (Chomsky, Noam. 2000. Minimalist inquiries: The framework. In Roger Martin, David Michaels & Juan Uriagereka (eds.), Step by step: Essays on minimalist syntax in honor of Howard Lasnik, 89–155. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2001. Derivation by phase. In Michael Kenstowicz (ed.), Ken Hale: A life in language, 1–52. Cambridge: The MIT Press) where the derivation proceeds by phases (Chomsky 2008), a linker phrase, as an adjunct, lacks the relevant features to participate in the derivation via Agree, and thus it merges late at the end of a given phasal derivation such as vP. When spell out applies, the linker linearizes with a [V-v] complex in the base position, i.e., vP, giving its surface appearance as a verbal affix. Under this view, a linker does not lead to formation of a complex verb as it does not undergo head movement to the verb, unlike applicative affixes, consistent with the absence of object properties.

scholarly journals Revisiting obligatory relatives in German

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Andreas Blümel ◽  
Mingya Liu
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Evidence ◽  
Relative Clause ◽  
Relative Clauses ◽  
Semantic Analysis ◽  
Intuitive Appeal ◽  
Compositional Semantic ◽  
The One

AbstractIn the literature on relative clauses (e. g. Alexiadou et al.2000: 4), it is occasionally observed that the German complex definite determiner d-jenige (roughly ‘the one’) must share company with a restrictive relative clause, in contrast to bare determiners der/die/das (Roehrs2006: 213–215; Gunkel2006; Gunkel2007). Previous works such as Sternefeld (2008: 378–379) and Blümel (2011) treat the relative clause as a complement of D to account for its mandatory occurrence. While such syntactic analyses have intuitive appeal, they pose problems for a compositional semantic analysis.The goal of this paper is twofold. First, we report on two rating studies providing empirical evidence for the obligatoriness of relative clauses in German DPs introduced by the complex determiner d-jenige. Secondly, following Simonenko (2014, 2015), we provide an analysis of the phenomenon at the syntax-semantics interface that captures familiar (Blümel2011) as well as novel related observations. Particularly, the analysis accounts for the facts that postnominal modifiers can figure in d-jenige-DPs and that the element can have anaphoric demonstrative pronominal uses.

The Cabecar Relative Clause

2021 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-278
Author(s):  
Guillermo González Campos ◽  
Christian Lehmann
Keyword(s):  
Relative Clause
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