Should the State Fund Faith Based Schools? A Review of the Arguments

AbstractThis paper derives from a study of community food aid in a multi-ethnic, multi-faith city in the North of England. The paper begins to make sense of the diversity of types of food insecurity assistance, examines the potential exclusion of certain groups from receipt of food aid, and explores the relationship between food aid providers and the state. Faith-based food aid is common in the case study area, particularly among food bank provision to the most ‘destitute’ clients. While food aid is adopting service responsibilities previously borne by the state, this does not imply an extension of the ‘shadow state’. Rather, it appears reflective of a pre-welfare state system of food distribution, supported by religious institutions and individual/business philanthropy, but adapted to be consistent with elements of the ‘Big Society’ narrative. Most faith-based providers are Christian. There is little Muslim provision of (or utilisation of) food aid, despite the local demographic context. This raises concerns as to the unintentional exclusion of ethnic and religious groups, which we discuss in the concluding sections.

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INSTITUTIONAL PROVISION INVESTMENT INSTRUMENTS OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Economic innovations ◽

10.31520/ei.2017.19.3(65).47-55 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 19 (3(65)) ◽

pp. 47-55

Author(s):

V.F. Goriachuk ◽

D.F. Dukov

Keyword(s):

Regional Development ◽

Public Administration ◽

Development Strategy ◽

Regional Policy ◽

Institutional Support ◽

The State ◽

State Governance ◽

State Fund ◽

Manual Mode

During the years of independence in Ukraine, a certain set of investment instruments of state governance for regional development has been created: state and regional target programs, regional development agreements, agreements on implementation of interregional projects, programs for overcoming the state of depression, the State Fund for Regional Development (DFRD), and others. However, their level of performance is quite low.Notwithstanding the provisions of the State Strategy for Regional Development for the period up to 2020, regional development agreements and programs to overcome the state of depression of the territory are not implemented at all. The use of the DFRR in the "manual mode" reduces the role of the fund in solving the tasks of regional policy of the state.One of the main investment instruments of state governance for regional development are regional target programs. The analysis of target programs of the Odesa Oblast, which operated in 2015, showed that most of them did not meet the priorities of the economic and social development strategy of the Odessa region and (or) have other defects.Agreements on the implementation of interregional projects, the implementation of which contributes to the improvement of socio-economic development of two or more regions, have not been used at all. The same situation with regard to programs to overcome the state of depression of the territory.The inadequate institutional support of the DFRD leads to its underfunding, non-compliance with the rules for distributing its funds between regions, and non-compliance with the priorities of regional development.The article proposes: to return the practice of using agreements on regional development as a mechanism for coordinating the interests of central executive and local self-government bodies in relation to the implementation of strategic tasks of regional development; based on the principle of subsidiarity, delegate to the regional level the authority to develop programs to overcome the state of depression of the territory; to implement methodological recommendations for the evaluation of regional target programs.

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How Faith-Based Human Rights Work Gets Done in Moscow

Current History ◽

10.1525/curh.2021.120.828.280 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 120 (828) ◽

pp. 280-286

Author(s):

Melissa L. Caldwell

Keyword(s):

Human Rights ◽

Civil Rights ◽

The State ◽

Faith Based ◽

History Of ◽

Religious Activism

Churches and other faith-based communities have taken the lead in the human rights sector in Russia. At a time when many secular activists have been harassed, imprisoned, forced into exile, and even murdered, interfaith partnerships working on civil rights for minorities and migrants have been tolerated and officially recognized. Part of a long history of civic–oriented religious activism, they benefit from their legacy as moral leaders. While some religious activists have publicly challenged the Russian state’s authority and values, most have been careful to present themselves as partners of the state, even if their beliefs are not always fully aligned.

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