Japanese foreign policy towards the Republic of Croatia: the non-military practice of post-Cold War trilateralism and multilateralism 1989–1993

Japan Forum ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Marcela Perić
Author(s):  
Antônio Carlos Lessa ◽  
Niels Søndergaard

Brazilian foreign policy is internationally recognized, in comparative terms, for its stability, continuity, and a high degree of predictability, which can be observed throughout the different periods in which it has been categorized. The country’s international engagement from its independence in 1822 to the proclamation of the republic in 1889 was guided by a coherent behavioral pattern in liberal-conservative molds. In the subsequent period, which was initiated with the overthrow of the monarchy and extended until 1930, the interests that nurtured the country’s engagement abroad became strongly intertwined with those of the agro-exporting elite. With the hegemonic transition in this period, Brazil shifted from the British and toward the North American sphere of influence. The period that began in 1930 and extended to the end of the Cold War constituted a new model of international insertion. Within this model, the country’s international engagement assumed a supplementary character in relation to the national strategy for economic development, and its foreign policy thereby became conceived and formulated with a high degree of instrumentality as part of the aspirations for furthering the process of industrialization. Brazil’s adaption to the international post–Cold War context was a complex process, yet it is possible to detect a relatively homogenous strategy during these decades that informed the foreign engagement of governments marked by otherwise different ideologies. The growth of specialized academia from the 1990s on has spurred scientific production concerning international issues in general, and regarding foreign policy in particular. It is also important to emphasize the idea that the stability and coherence of Brazilian foreign policy is part of a narrative produced by both diplomats and scholars, and this has been reproduced intensively in the specialized literature over the years. This narrative facilitated the emergence of a certain notion of Brazilian foreign policy exceptionalism and the proposition of analytical axes that have been used in different traditions of foreign policy analysis to justify the notion of perenniality and continuity of the country’s international actions. It is possible to verify from this narrative the proposition that there are principles, ideas, and values that organize the strategies of international insertion and that give coherence to an international identity. It is important to emphasize that an important group of scholars has tried to problematize this question, discussing what would be the mythological nature of foreign policy in order to explain its continuity.


2018 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 1197-1205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcin Kaczmarski

A decade ago, Beijing's relations with Moscow were of marginal interest to China scholars. Topics such as growing Sino-American interdependence-cum-rivalry, engagement with East Asia or relations with the developing world overshadowed China's relationship with its northern neighbour. Scholars preoccupied with Russia's foreign policy did not pay much attention either, regarding the Kremlin's policy towards China as part and parcel of Russia's grand strategy directed towards the West. The main dividing line among those few who took a closer look ran between sceptics and alarmists. The former interpreted the post-Cold War rapprochement as superficial and envisioned an imminent clash of interests between the two states. The latter, a minority, saw the prospect of an anti-Western alliance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Pablo De Rezende Saturnino Braga

The foreign policy narrative of South Africa is strongly grounded in human rights issues, beginning with the transition from a racial segregation regime to a democracy. The worldwide notoriety of the apartheid South Africa case was one factor that overestimated the expectations of the role the country would play in the world after apartheid. Global circumstances also fostered this perception, due to the optimistic scenario of the post-Cold War world order. The release of Nelson Mandela and the collapse of apartheid became the perfect illustration of the victory of liberal ideas, democracy, and human rights. More than 20 years after the victory of Mandela and the first South African democratic elections, the criticism to the country's foreign policy on human rights is eminently informed by those origin myths, and it generates a variety of analytical distortions. The weight of expectations, coupled with the historical background that led the African National Congress (ANC) to power in South Africa, underestimated the traditional tensions of the relationship between sovereignty and human rights. Post-apartheid South Africa presented an iconic image of a new bastion for the defence of human rights in the post-Cold War world. The legacy of the miraculous transition in South Africa, though, seems to have a deeper influence on the role of the country as a mediator in African crises rather than in a liberal-oriented human rights approach. This is more evident in cases where the African agenda clashes with liberal conceptions of human rights, especially due to the politicisation of the international human rights regime. 


Author(s):  
John Watkins

This concluding chapter reflects on marriage in the contemporary West, noting that it has become an affective arrangement. In Britain and the northern European countries that still retain a constitutional form of monarchy, twenty-first-century royalty now prefer their own subjects as marriage partners, even if it means marrying a commoner like Kate Middleton. To the extent that these marriages to indigenous commoners have any bearing on foreign policy, they reaffirm the nationalist sentiments of the post-Westphalian state. The chapter argues that, despite all the legal rationality, global peace remains as elusive now as it was when Europeans tried to settle their quarrels through interdynastic marriage. It suggests that the opposition between the West and its post-Cold War enemies has brought the matter of gender and the place of women once more to the center of international relations.


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