The Women's Movement and ‘Class Struggle’: gender, class formation and political identity in women's strikes, 1968–78.

2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 741-755
Author(s):  
George Stevenson
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-194
Author(s):  
Ge Qiang

As the main achievement of Tibetan modernization in the 1970s, the promotion of winter wheat enabled wheat, which had rarely been planted in Tibet, to become the second-largest crop in the region. Surprisingly, Tibetan peasants, who at first had strongly resisted winter wheat, became active participants in just two or three years. During this process, how did the state change peasants’ attitudes? How did the national government negate their resistance? Based on documents and oral history materials, this research study shows that political movement played a crucial role. First, the class struggle consisted of a crackdown on the resistance to new technologies and also promoting rural community differentiation so that mutual supervision among peasants neutralized ‘weapons of the weak’. Second, the function of political movement in remolding belief and arousing affection inspired people’s enthusiasm for growing wheat and their sense of political identity by portraying wheat as a symbol of emancipation. However, this movement also had certain side effects on production, and the whole project in the late 1970s was driven astray by blind political worship and neglect of realities.


1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-337 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Leys

The central question which this article attempts to raise is how we should understand the social structure that is emerging from the neo-colonial pattern of change in Africa, and what implications it has for politics. In its simplest form, the question is how far a stratification system is developing which is likely to make for class formation, class consciousness, and a politics of class struggle; or how far stratification can be contained within a predominantly peasant society, expressed politically in patron-client relationships.


1986 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clara Connolly ◽  
Lynne Segal ◽  
Michèle Barrett ◽  
Beatrix Campbell ◽  
Anne Phillips ◽  
...  

In December 1984 Angela Weir and Elizabeth Wilson, two founding members of Feminist Review, published an article assessing contemporary British feminism and its relationship to the left and to class struggle. They suggested that the women's movement in general, and socialist-feminism in particular, had lost its former political sharpness. The academic focus of socialist-feminism has proved more interested in theorizing the ideological basis of sexual difference than the economic contradictions of capitalism. Meanwhile the conditions of working-class and black women have been deteriorating. In this situation, they argue, feminists can only serve the general interests of women through alliance with working-class movements and class struggle. Weir and Wilson represent a minority position within the British Communist Party (the CP), which argues that ‘feminism’ is now being used by sections of the left, in particular the dominant ‘Eurocommunist’ left in the CP, to justify their moves to the right, with an accompanying attack on traditional forms of trade union militancy. Beatrix Campbell, who is aligned to the dominant position within the CP, has been one target of Weir and Wilson's criticisms. In several articles from 1978 onwards, and in her book Wigan Pier Revisited, Beatrix Campbell has presented a very different analysis of women and the labour movement. She has criticized the trade union movement as a ‘men's movement’, in the sense that it has always represented the interests of men at the expense of women. And she has described the current split within the CP as one extending throughout the left between the politics of the ‘old’ and the ‘new’: traditional labour movement politics as against the politics of those who have rethought their socialism to take into account the analysis and importance of popular social movements – in particular feminism, the peace and anti-racist movements. In reply to this debate, Anne Phillips has argued that while women's position today must be analysed in the context of the capitalist crisis, it is not reducible to the dichotomy ‘class politics’ versus ‘popular alliance’. Michèle Barrett, in another reply to Weir and Wilson, has argued that they have presented a reductionist and economistic approach to women's oppression, which caricatures rather than clarifies much of the work in which socialist-feminists have been engaged. To air these differences between socialist-feminists over the question of feminism and class politics, and to see their implications for the women's movement and the left, Feminist Review has decided to bring together the main protagonists of this debate for a fuller, more open discussion. For this discussion Feminist Review drew up a number of questions which were put to the participants by Clara Connolly and Lynne Segal. (Michèle Barrett was present in a personal capacity.) They cover the recent background to socialist-feminist politics, the relationship of feminism to Marxism, the role of feminists in le ft political parties and the labour movement, the issue of racism and the prospects for the immediate future. The discussion was lengthy and what follows is an edited version of the transcript.


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