scholarly journals A ‘Union for the Mediterranean’ … or for the EU?

2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Gillespie
2017 ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Natalya Anikeeva

The article notes that the geographical location and historical links with the Mediterranean countries, together with the accession to the EU resulted in a special position of Spain as the initiator of the Barcelona process: meetings and conferences at various levels for the development of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in different spheres within the EU. Creation of the Union for the Mediterranean was actually a continuation of the Barcelona process


Author(s):  
T. Zvereva

This article is devoted to the French policy towards South- and East- Mediterranean countries. It shows the main lines of this policy and the principal ideas of the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) project. Paris presented the UfM as the way to resolve economic, social and political problems of the region. Implementing its soft-power project Paris had to meet some challenges and overcome substantial difficulties. Conceived as the French program, the UfM required EU funding. Being a part of the EU Neighbourhood Program, it embraced 43 countries and became difficult to be run. The Gaza war stopped the UfM-cooperation, also undermined by the global economic and financial crisis.


2018 ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
Natalya Anikeeva

The Mediterranean has been the priority direction in the politics of Spain in the post-Franco era. When Spain entered the EEC in 1986 and participated between 1990 and 2000 in the Barcelona Process and the founding of the Union for the Mediterranean, the Mediterranean accent of its policy became even clearer. The Spain of today’s stage shares, in broad strokes, the EU’s approaches to politics in the Mediterranean region.      The Spanish School of Mediterranean Studies is represented by a series of fundamental works from the centers of the International Research Institute of Barcelona, the Autonomous University of Madrid and other specialized institutions. In our study, the publications of famous public figures from Spain that came to light in the Spanish magazine “Política Exterior” are particularly important.      The UPM was founded on July 13, 2008, during the Paris Summit for the Mediterranean, which was attended by representatives of 43 nations. Its implementation, however, took time to complete. The obstacles to the operation of the project were due to a series of causes. They were provoked, first of all, by the disparity between the EU members and the Mediterranean countries, as well as by the consequences of the Arab Spring, by the challenges of the Arab-Israeli settlement, and by the EU’s policy regarding some states in the region, in particular, to Syria.Cooperation and development in the Mediterranean are the objective of the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), an association that promotes peace and prosperity for an area with 750 million inhabitants.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Mohamed Chamekh

This article explores illegal migration through Tunisian rap. It considers this music an aspect of resistance and protest against the socio-economic and political conditions obliging thousands of Tunisians to cross the Mediterranean in makeshift boats in search of better prospects and challenging the increasing security and legislative measures crippling mobility imposed by the EU and Tunisian authorities. This article contends that harga songs document the history of the working class in Tunisia and carve the identity of harraga as people who have been marginalised for generations. It concludes that EU-Tunisia security talks and dialogues remain ineffective as long as the root causes of illegal migration have not been addressed. Keywords: illegal migration, Tunisian rap, resistance, marginalization, security, immobility, identity


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 617-629
Author(s):  
C Anguita Olmedo ◽  
P González Gómez del Miño

The European Union (EU) throughout its history has been the destination of diverse migratory flows. Therefore, migration has acquired special relevance by occupying a prominent position on the EU’s political, economic, cultural, and social agenda. The most recent migration crisis of 2015 represents a multidimensional challenge with severe consequences that affect, first, the institutional foundations of the EU (governance, security, solidarity of member states and institutional stability) and, second, the migratory policies of receiving states and the EU itself. This crisis is characterized, first, by the high number of illegal migrants that cross the Mediterranean, and, second, by the humanitarian tragedy and insecurity, which make the sea a grey area and an international reference in the migratory processes. The migration-security equation became a field of applied research and analysis, and at the same time a focus of political debate and public opinion. The article aims at analysing the crisis of 2015 and its consequences, which is done by means of the methodological approach based on the consequences that this phenomenon entails for the EU and for certain member states. The response of the EU is limited primarily to securitization by strengthening the external borders, turning towards internal security rather than respecting international and Community Treaties and promotion of their values, which contradicts the anticipated leadership of this global actor. The authors believe that it is necessary to implement new mechanisms in addition to ensuring greater effectiveness of the existing ones.


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