Sustainable Green Cooperation between the EU and the MENA: the role of Epistemic Community in the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM)

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-125
Author(s):  
Seock-Jun YOON
2017 ◽  
pp. 12-19
Author(s):  
Natalya Anikeeva

The article notes that the geographical location and historical links with the Mediterranean countries, together with the accession to the EU resulted in a special position of Spain as the initiator of the Barcelona process: meetings and conferences at various levels for the development of Euro-Mediterranean cooperation in different spheres within the EU. Creation of the Union for the Mediterranean was actually a continuation of the Barcelona process


Author(s):  
T. Zvereva

This article is devoted to the French policy towards South- and East- Mediterranean countries. It shows the main lines of this policy and the principal ideas of the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) project. Paris presented the UfM as the way to resolve economic, social and political problems of the region. Implementing its soft-power project Paris had to meet some challenges and overcome substantial difficulties. Conceived as the French program, the UfM required EU funding. Being a part of the EU Neighbourhood Program, it embraced 43 countries and became difficult to be run. The Gaza war stopped the UfM-cooperation, also undermined by the global economic and financial crisis.


2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 63-74
Author(s):  
Elena Alekseenkova ◽  

The article examines the problem of transformation of the Italian maritime economy (in terms of transport and logistics infrastructure) in the context of the European Green Deal. The increased role of the Mediterranean in international maritime trade makes Italy explore ways of improving the competitiveness of its ports infrastructure and logistics to avoid lagging behind rapidly developing competitors in Greece, Spain, Turkey and the countries of North Africa. At the same time, Italy continues to position itself as a middle power, whose dominance in the Mediterranean is a natural result of its geographic position and national priorities. Currently traditional competition is aggravated by the negative consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for the world maritime economy. Rome expects that the EU's Green Deal and the EU Next Generation Plan will help Italy solve three problems: 1) to increase its own competitiveness in the transport and logistics system of the Mediterranean; 2) to stimulate the development of the South of the country; 3) to become a protagonist of the new EU normative power and leadership in the green transformation in the Mediterranean. The author concludes that the main goal of Italy is to restore its role as a middle power and the leader of the Mediterranean, and to increase its own status within the EU.


2018 ◽  
pp. 14-18
Author(s):  
Natalya Anikeeva

The Mediterranean has been the priority direction in the politics of Spain in the post-Franco era. When Spain entered the EEC in 1986 and participated between 1990 and 2000 in the Barcelona Process and the founding of the Union for the Mediterranean, the Mediterranean accent of its policy became even clearer. The Spain of today’s stage shares, in broad strokes, the EU’s approaches to politics in the Mediterranean region.      The Spanish School of Mediterranean Studies is represented by a series of fundamental works from the centers of the International Research Institute of Barcelona, the Autonomous University of Madrid and other specialized institutions. In our study, the publications of famous public figures from Spain that came to light in the Spanish magazine “Política Exterior” are particularly important.      The UPM was founded on July 13, 2008, during the Paris Summit for the Mediterranean, which was attended by representatives of 43 nations. Its implementation, however, took time to complete. The obstacles to the operation of the project were due to a series of causes. They were provoked, first of all, by the disparity between the EU members and the Mediterranean countries, as well as by the consequences of the Arab Spring, by the challenges of the Arab-Israeli settlement, and by the EU’s policy regarding some states in the region, in particular, to Syria.Cooperation and development in the Mediterranean are the objective of the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM), an association that promotes peace and prosperity for an area with 750 million inhabitants.


Author(s):  
Michael Koortbojian

The ancient Romans famously distinguished between civic life in Rome and military matters outside the city—a division marked by the pomerium, an abstract religious and legal boundary that was central to the myth of the city's foundation. This book explores, by means of images and texts, how the Romans used social practices and public monuments to assert their capital's distinction from its growing empire, to delimit the proper realms of religion and law from those of war and conquest, and to establish and disseminate so many fundamental Roman institutions across three centuries of imperial rule. The book probes such topics as the appearance in the city of Romans in armor, whether in representation or in life, the role of religious rites on the battlefield, and the military image of Constantine on the arch built in his name. Throughout, the book reveals how, in these instances and others, the ancient ideology of crossing the pomerium reflects the efforts of Romans not only to live up to the ideals they had inherited, but also to reconceive their past and to validate contemporary practices during a time when Rome enjoyed growing dominance in the Mediterranean world. The book explores a problem faced by generations of Romans—how to leave and return to hallowed city ground in the course of building an empire.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-58
Author(s):  
Mohamed Chamekh

This article explores illegal migration through Tunisian rap. It considers this music an aspect of resistance and protest against the socio-economic and political conditions obliging thousands of Tunisians to cross the Mediterranean in makeshift boats in search of better prospects and challenging the increasing security and legislative measures crippling mobility imposed by the EU and Tunisian authorities. This article contends that harga songs document the history of the working class in Tunisia and carve the identity of harraga as people who have been marginalised for generations. It concludes that EU-Tunisia security talks and dialogues remain ineffective as long as the root causes of illegal migration have not been addressed. Keywords: illegal migration, Tunisian rap, resistance, marginalization, security, immobility, identity


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