Medical Assistance in Kansas: A Report to the State Advisory Committee on Medical Care for Public Assistance Recipients with the Recommendations of the Committee. Division of Research and Statistics, State Board of Social Welfare of Kansas

1938 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 566-567
2014 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Pollard

AbstractIn this article I argue that the Egyptian state emerged as a welfare provider in the mid-20th century, first by depending on the services of charitable societies to feed, educate, and provide medical assistance to the poor, and later by imitating and harnessing the activities of charitable societies. Drawing on correspondence between the state and service societies from the 1880s to 1945, when King Faruq (r. 1936–52) granted the Egyptian Ministry of Social Affairs (MOSA) the authority to define and to circumscribe the activities of social welfare organizations, the article illustrates the interactions of and the similarities between private and state-sponsored charity. The article further suggests that the establishment of MOSA helped to consolidate the hegemony of the Egyptian state over society and, at the same time, exemplified a dialectical process of state formation engaged in by Egyptian heads of state, service organizations, and the Egyptians whose needs they served.


1951 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 101-107
Author(s):  
Jules H. Berman

The 1950 amendments are substantial in scope and, when taken together with the changes made to the old-age and survivors insurance program, should have a profound effect on the state-federal assistance programs. State and federal assistance agencies will need time to work with these amendments before their exact effect can be assayed and future trends determined and changes planned. Several respects in which the state-federal assistance programs are deficient and in need of improvement are now well known. Assistance programs financed from state and federal funds still fall short of the objective of being available to any needy person. The new program for the permanently and totally disabled will meet some of the needs of persons previously not covered by a state-federal program. There are many disabled persons, however, who are equally in need but who are not permanently and totally disabled and who will not be aided under the new program. These individuals will be dependent upon state and local general assistance programs. In a number of states these programs are far from adequate and in some areas nonexistent. We also know that the direct payments for medical care, potentially, can be an important part of the assistance program. This plan cannot achieve its potential, however, without some additional money from the federal government either in the form of a separate provision in the formula governing the federal share for medical expenditures, or in the form of an increased average maximum on the assistance payments. Without such provisions, the usefulness of the new amendment to make direct payments for medical care will be limited. To the extent that states divert money from supplying maintenance needs to paying for medical care, the new amendment might actually reduce the amount of money available for meeting maintenance needs. With additional money, the medical care amendment can do a great deal to meet medical costs not now met by other programs such as health or rehabilitation. In this statement, I have attempted to analyze the new amendments and to evaluate their effect on the public assistance programs. Although the new amendments leave some deficiencies uncorrected, they have advanced the programs considerably and should result in a considerably improved state-federal plan for meeting the assistance needs of people.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 157
Author(s):  
Elene Lam ◽  
Elena Shih ◽  
Katherine Chin ◽  
Kate Zen

Migrant Asian massage workers in North America first experienced the impacts of COVID-19 in the final weeks of January 2020, when business dropped drastically due to widespread xenophobic fears that the virus was concentrated in Chinese diasporic communities. The sustained economic devastation, which began at least 8 weeks prior to the first social distancing and shelter in place orders issued in the U.S. and Canada, has been further complicated by a history of aggressive policing of migrant massage workers in the wake of the war against human trafficking. Migrant Asian massage businesses are increasingly policed as locales of potential illicit sex work and human trafficking, as police and anti-trafficking initiatives target migrant Asian massage workers despite the fact that most do not provide sexual services. The scapegoating of migrant Asian massage workers and criminalization of sex work have led to devastating systemic and interpersonal violence, including numerous deportations, arrests, and deaths, most notably the recent murder of eight people at three Atlanta-based spas. The policing of sex workers has historically been mobilized along fears of sexually transmitted disease and infection, and more recently, within the past two decades, around a moral panic against sex trafficking. New racial anxieties around the coronavirus as an Asian disease have been mobilized by the state to further cement the justification of policing Asian migrant workers along the axes of health, migration, and sexual labor. These justifications also solidify discriminatory social welfare regimes that exclude Asian migrant massage workers from accessing services on the basis of the informality and illegality of their work mixed with their precarious citizenship status. This paper draws from ethnographic participant observation and survey data collected by two sex worker organizations that work primarily with massage workers in Toronto and New York City to examine the double-edged sword of policing during the pandemic in the name of anti-trafficking coupled with exclusionary policies regarding emergency relief and social welfare, and its effects on migrant Asian massage workers in North America. Although not all migrant Asian massage workers, including those surveyed in this paper, provide sexual services, they are conflated, targeted, and treated as such by the state and therefore face similar barriers of criminalization, discrimination, and exclusion. This paper recognizes that most migrant Asian massage workers do not identify as sex workers and does not intend to label them as such or reproduce the scapegoating rhetoric used by law enforcement. Rather, it seeks to analyze how exclusionary attitudes and policies towards sex workers are transferred onto migrant Asian massage workers as well whether or not they provide sexual services.


2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ji Chol ◽  
Ri Jun Il

Abstract The modeling of counter-current leaching plant (CCLP) in Koryo Extract Production is presented in this paper. Koryo medicine is a natural physic to be used for a diet and the medical care. The counter-current leaching method is mainly used for producing Koryo medicine. The purpose of the modeling in the previous works is to indicate the concentration distributions, and not to describe the model for the process control. In literature, there are no nearly the papers for modeling CCLP and especially not the presence of papers that have described the issue for extracting the effective components from the Koryo medicinal materials. First, this paper presents that CCLP can be shown like the equivalent process consisting of two tanks, where there is a shaking apparatus, respectively. It allows leachate to flow between two tanks. Then, this paper presents the principle model for CCLP and the state space model on based it. The accuracy of the model has been verified from experiments made at CCLP in the Koryo Extract Production at the Gang Gyi Koryo Manufacture Factory.


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