The Third Season of Investigations at the Pre-Pottery Neolithic A Site of Zahrat adh-Dhraʿ 2 on the Dead Sea Plain, Jordan

2007 ◽  
Vol 347 ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phillip C. Edwards ◽  
Emily House
Keyword(s):  
Dead Sea ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Dead ◽  
A Site

The Mystery of Jesus' Teaching about “The Son of Man”

2012 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 70-80
Author(s):  
Edward A. Beckstrom
Keyword(s):  
Dead Sea Scrolls ◽  
Dead Sea ◽  
High Priest ◽  
The Third ◽  
Son Of Man ◽  
Third Person ◽  
The Will ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The Third Person ◽  
Will Of God

For centuries a mystery has surrounded the meaning of Jesus' term “The Son of Man” in his ministry, and today it is often called “The Son of Man Problem.” Studying “Son of Man” in all of its biblical references, and apocryphal usages, together with insights from the Dead Sea Scrolls, I propose a solution that the idiom means “Priest” or “High Priest,” but most especially “Heavenly High Priest” and is framed in the third person by Jesus because it is expressed as his destiny given by God—it is the Will of God. “The Son of Man” is distinct from Jesus own will, but is the destiny he follows. It is also the use of this term that caused Caiaphas to cry “blasphemy” at Jesus' Sanhedrin trial, who then sent him to Pilate for crucifixion, yet asserting that Jesus proclaimed himself “King of the Jews.” Caiaphas, knew, I believe, that “Son of Man” was synonymous with “High Priest.”

Environmental Data for Specific Sites within the Dead Sea Region

1995 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. O. Emery ◽  
David Neev
Keyword(s):  
Bronze Age ◽  
Cultural History ◽  
Animal Husbandry ◽  
Dead Sea ◽  
Environmental Data ◽  
Cultural Changes ◽  
South Basin ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The One

Discussion of Early Bronze cultural history at Bab edh-Dhr’a and Numeira sites east of the Lisan Peninsula and on the northeast flank of the Dead Sea south basin is guided mostly by Rast (1987) and Rast and Schaub (1974, 1978, 1980, and 1981). This epoch was divided by Rast and Schaub into two sections according to traditional archaeological chronology. The first section is the urban period of Bab edh-Dhr'a (4890 to 4340 B.P.) including Early Bronze I, II, and III. The second is the posturban period (4340 to 4190 B.P.), Early Bronze IV or the Intermediate Bronze age according to Kochavi (1967), Kenyon (1979), Gophna (1992), and R. Amiran and Kochavi (1985) as well as Middle Bronze I according to Albright (1962). Although no prominent cultural hiatus separates these two sections, the transition between them contains abundant indications of extensive destruction and fire events brought about by natural disasters such as earthquakes. Donahue (1980, 1981) considered that not just one but two severe earthquakes occurred, one about 4400 B.P. and the other 4350 B.P. Numeira was totally and finally abandoned after the second earthquake, whereas Bab edh-Dhr’a was reinhabited apparently as a result of conquest by seminomadic people of the same cultural background. This second earthquake probably was the one by which Sodom and Gomorrah were totally destroyed. Abrupt cultural changes also were recorded in the southeast Negev at Uvda Valley during transition from Early Bronze III to Middle Bronze I about 4300 B.P. These changes were from a gradually increasing population within a walled city having a life-style based on a combination of agriculture and animal husbandry into a more nomadic community with unfortified houses and primarily a grazing economy. According to Avner (1990, p. 133) “Subsequent to a brief climatic crisis at the end of the third millennium BC the climate improved, allowing the new culture to blossom in the desert.” This climatic crisis could have been extreme dryness. By the middle of the Intermediate Bronze age at about 4200 B.P., Bab edh-Dhr’a, the last Early Bronze site to survive was totally abandoned and the Dead Sea south basin remained basically unsettled for more than 1,500 years until Hellenistic time.

Zahrat Adh-Dhraʿ 2: A New Pre-Pottery Neolithic A Site on the Dead Sea Plain in Jordan

2002 ◽  
Vol 327 ◽  
pp. 1-15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Phillip C. Edwards ◽  
John Meadows ◽  
Ghattas Sayej ◽  
Mary C. Metzger
Keyword(s):  
Dead Sea ◽  
The Dead ◽  
A Site

Reconsidering the Date of the En-Gedi Leviticus Scroll (EGLev): Exploring the Limitations of the Comparative-Typological Paleographic Method

Textus ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 44-84
Author(s):  
Drew Longacre
Keyword(s):  
Radiocarbon Dating ◽  
Dead Sea Scrolls ◽  
Dead Sea ◽  
Second Century ◽  
Supporting Evidence ◽  
The Third ◽  
The Dead

AbstractYardeni dated the charred En-Gedi Leviticus scroll (EGLev) to the second half of the first or early second century CE. Paleographic evidence is often ambiguous and can provide only an imprecise basis for dating EGLev. Nevertheless, a series of important typological developments evident in the hand of EGLev suggests a date somewhat later than the Dead Sea Scrolls of the first–second centuries, but clearly earlier than comparanda from the sixth–eighth centuries. The cumulative supporting evidence from the archeological context, bibliographic/voluminological details (wooden roller and metallic ink), format and layout (tall, narrow columns)—each individually indeterminative—also suggests dating EGLev to the period from the third–sixth centuries CE. I argue that EGLev should be dated to the third–fourth centuries CE, with only a small possibility that it could have been written in the second or fifth centuries, which is possibly supported by radiocarbon dating.

Computational Stylometric Approach to the Dead Sea Scrolls

2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-82
Author(s):  
Pierre Van Hecke
Keyword(s):  
Final Section ◽  
Dead Sea Scrolls ◽  
Dead Sea ◽  
Central Issue ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Methodological Issues ◽  
The Third ◽  
First Results ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Dead

Abstract The question of how to classify the different texts of the Dead Sea Scrolls is a central issue in scholarship. There is little agreement or even little reflection, however, on the methodology with which these classifications should be made. This article argues that recent developments in computational stylometry address these methodological issues and that the approach therefore constitutes a necessary addition to existing scholarship. The first section briefly introduces the recent developments in computational stylometry, while the second tests the feasibility of a stylometric approach for research on the Scrolls. Taking into account the particular challenges of the corpus, an exploratory methodology is described, and its first results are presented. In the third and final section, directions for future research in the field are articulated.

scholarly journals “I am making myself remember that awful time”: Juvenilia, Hiroshima, and the Politics of Peace

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Lieffers
Keyword(s):  
Peace Education ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Traumatic Memory ◽  
Teachers Union ◽  
The Third ◽  
Children's Writing ◽  
The Dead ◽  
Children's Stories ◽  
A Site

In 1951, Asata Orada, a professor of education at Hiroshima University, took on the grim task of collecting first-hand accounts from children who had survived the atomic bombing of August 6, 1945. Of the over 1000 testimonials he received, he compiled 105 into Genbaku no ko: Hiroshima no shonen to shojo no uttae [Children of the A-Bomb: The Testament of the Boys and Girls of Hiroshima], a book meant to honour the dead and make a bold contribution to peace education. This article argues that children’s writing about the atomic bombing was implicated in multiple, interrelated political projects. The first section examines the writers’ work of navigating the meaning of their survival, as well as Japan’s new pacifist identity; some of the children express ambivalence or even distrust toward this new national script. The second section picks up the more explicit politics that the children’s stories came to represent. The left-leaning Japan Teachers’ Union sponsored two films based on the book, but neither fully achieved the goal of communicating both the deplorable intensity of war and the spiritual imperative of peace to a broader audience. The third section dwells on the extent to which children fought to articulate their grief, and focuses on the unwilling writer, an unusual figure in juvenilia studies. The children were asked to sublimate their pain into the work of peace, but their writing testified instead to an experience that defied articulation altogether, and to a need for resolution that was ultimately beyond their ability or responsibility to deliver. Through Children of the A-Bomb, juvenilia studies can recognize children’s writing as a tool for political action, a site of traumatic memory, and also a fundamentally limited form of communication that could only know the surface of human pain, and leave readers wondering at the soundless depths below.

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