Utilitarianism in the Age of Enlightenment: The Moral and Political Thought of William Paley, by Niall O’Flaherty

Author(s):  
Philip Schofield
2017 ◽  
Vol 24 (44) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Vital Francisco Celestino Alves

Embora Montesquieu seja conhecido, acima de tudo, por sua célebre teoria da separação dos poderes e tenha seu pensamento recorrentemente vinculado à perspectiva do liberalismo, sua reflexão política não pode se restringir a essas duas linhas interpretativas. Principalmente porque entendemos que a reflexão apresentada pelo pensador de Bordeaux também possui uma interessante ligação com a tradição republicana e contribuiu expressivamente para a retomada dessa tradição no Século das Luzes. Partindo dessa hipótese, o presente artigo tem como objetivo principal demonstrar e valorizar a contribuição de Montesquieu para com a formação do republicanismo. Para tanto, nos concentraremos: em primeiro lugar, na análise que ele realiza acerca do legado romano, isto é, as especificidades de Roma em seu período republicano e a relevância da virtude política para esse regime; em segundo lugar, na avaliação e promoção de uma discussão sobre os dois fundamentos imprescindíveis da República: a igualdade e a liberdade; por fim, na investigação das razões pelas quais a corrupção política e o luxo podem conduzir à República a falência. [While Montesquieu is known, above all, for his celebrated theory of separation of powers and his thought is recurrently linked to the perspective of liberalism, his political thought cannot be restricted to those two interpretative lines. Mainly because we understand that the ideas proposed by the philosopher of Bordeaux also has an interesting connection with the Republican tradition and has contributed significantly to the resumption of this tradition in the Age of Enlightenment. From this hypothesis, the main objective of this article is to demonstrate and value the contribution of Montesquieu to the formation of republicanism. For this goal, we shall focus: firstly, on the analysis he per-forms of the Roman legacy, that is, the specifics of Rome in its Republican Period and the relevance of political virtue to that regime; secondly, on the review and promotion of a discussion of the two essential foundations of the republic: equality and liberty; finally, on an investigation of the reasons why political corruption and luxury can lead the republic to failure.]


Author(s):  
Charlotte R. Brown

William Paley, theologian and moral philosopher, expressed and codified the views and arguments of orthodox Christianity and the conservative moral and political thought of eighteenth-century England. Paley says that his works form a unified system based on natural religion. Like others during this period, Paley thought that reason alone, unaided by revelation, would establish many Christian theses. He is confident that a scientific understanding of nature will support the claim that God is the author of nature. Paley belongs to the anti-deist tradition that holds that revelation supplements natural religion. The most important revelation is God’s assurance of an afterlife in which the virtuous are rewarded and the vicious are punished. Natural and revealed religion, in turn, provide the foundation for morality. God’s will determines what is right and his power to reward and punish us in the afterlife provide the moral sanctions. On the whole, Paley is concerned with sustaining Christian faith, and ensuring that people known what their duties are and do them.


1953 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 1092-1115 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Stourzh

Perhaps no period of modern history has been more a victim of generalization than the Age of Enlightenment. The worship of reason and progress and belief in the essential goodness and perfectibility of human nature are most commonly associated with the 18th century climate of opinion. Many of the stereotypes which have been applied to it have automatically been transferred to Benjamin Franklin. Already to contemporaries of his old age, Franklin seemed the very personification of the Age of Reason. Condorcet, who had known Franklin personally, summed up his description of Franklin's political career as follows: “In a word, his politics were those of a man who believed in the power of reason and the reality of virtue.” In Germany, an admirer was even more enthusiastic: “Reason and virtue, made possible through reason alone, consequently again reason and nothing but reason, is the magic with which Benjamin Franklin conquered heaven and earth.” This is also the judgment of posterity. F. L. Mott and Chester E. Jorgensen, who have so far presented the most acute analysis of Franklin's thought and its relationship to the intellectual history of his time, do not hesitate to call him “the completest colonial representative” of the Age of Enlightenment. Unanimous agreement seems to exist that Franklin was “in tune with his time.”


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document