The Purga Archipelago

2021 ◽  
pp. 167-172
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš
Keyword(s):  
Air Force ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Neutral Ground

This chapter recounts the raid in Drvar, which was the final attempt to use military means to eliminate the Partisan movement and Marshall Tito's Supreme Command. It analyzes the supposed outcome of the Anglo-American units entering Yugoslavia in accordance with the plan for landings on Krk and in Rijeka, if the German paratroops succeeded in eliminating Tito. It also describes Tito's liberated territory on the island of Vis which offered a neutral ground and ideal conditions for special warfare. The chapter talks about intelligence operatives in the Balkans that were more important than Russian tank armies or a US strategic air force. It refers to Moscow-trained Yugoslav technocrats of the dictatorship of the proletariat and brigand captains that were disciplined and organized by Tito in order to carry out feats on a European scale.

The Allies Do Not Come; the Italians Withdraw 1943

2020 ◽  
pp. 151-214
Author(s):  
Stevan K. Pavlowitch
Keyword(s):  
North Africa ◽  
Armed Groups ◽  
Independent State ◽  
East Europe ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
South East Europe ◽  
Economic Position ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Fortress Europe

This chapter reviews the outcomes of the Allied victories at Stalingrad and in North Africa at the end of 1942. It analyses the expected assault on 'Fortress Europe', interest in the Balkans, and the mood in the peninsula. The chapter also discusses Yugoslavia's partisans safe base — the Independent State of Croatia (NDH). Along with pro-Allied anti-communist armed groups, they became a concern for the Germans, who wanted to destroy all native enemies, real and potential, before an Anglo-American landing. The chapter then takes a look at Germany's preparations for the imminent Italian withdrawal and the fear of an Allied attack. It also claims that Italy's economic position in the NDH had been weak from the start and its zone was the poorest. Ultimately, the chapter assesses the Italian withdrawal and how the Germans had to take over responsibility for the whole of south-east Europe.

A Most Special Relationship: The Origins of Anglo-American Nuclear Strike Planning

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 5-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Young
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Air Force ◽  
Special Relationship ◽  
Military Officers ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Fully Integrated ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Insight Into

This article examines a hitherto unexplored aspect of the Anglo-American “special relationship,” the development of arrangements to coordinate U.S. and British forces in a joint nuclear strike against the Soviet Union. During the early Cold War, British political leaders and military officers struggled for a closer relationship with the U.S. Air Force in the hope of gaining greater insight into U.S. war plans, predicated as they were on nuclear strikes launched from bases in England. U.S. willingness to supply nuclear (and later thermo-nuclear) bombs for delivery by British bombers prompted bilateral talks from 1956 about their deployment in a joint air offensive. This prospective partnership raised difficult issues for the UK Air Staff, which was committed to the maintenance of an independent nuclear deterrent and countervalue rather than counterforce targeting. Nevertheless, the advantages of joint strike planning were such that by 1962 Bomber Command's planning had become fully integrated with that of Strategic Air Command.

What's So Special About Nations?

1996 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 283-309 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allen Buchanan
Keyword(s):  
Self Determination ◽  
Independent State ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
The Right ◽  
Substantial Degree

Until quite recently, most Anglo-American political philosophers have had little if anything to say about national self-determination. However, a growing number of prominent political philosophers are now endorsing national self-determination. This new-found enthusiasm is surprising if not ironic, since it comes at a time at which genocidal ethno-nationalist conflicts (in the Balkans, in Rwanda and Burundi, etc.) might seem to lend credence to the view that the doctrine that every nation should have its own state is both impractical and dangerous, and that the nationalist mentality is often racist, xenophobic, exclusionary, and morally regressive. In this essay I will question the wisdom of this new-found enthusiasm for national self-determination. I will probe what I shall call the Strong National Self-Determination Thesis (or, more briefly, the Strong Thesis). This is the assertion that every nation as such has a right to some substantial degree of self-government and there is a presumption that every nation as such has a right to its own independent state (where this includes the right to secede from another state). I call this the Strong Thesis because it is more robust than the thesis that nations have a right to some form of self-government.

Military nuclear relations between the United States and Great Britain under the terms of the McMahon Act, 1946–1958

1995 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 439-454 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. J. Ball
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Air Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nuclear Targeting ◽  
Royal Air Force ◽  
Anglo American ◽  
Senior Officers ◽  
Military Relations ◽  
Armed Services ◽  
The Relationship

ABSTRACTThis article takes a fresh look at Anglo-American nuclear relations between 1946 and 1958. It concentrates on the relationship between the military establishments of the two countries in general and the ties between the United States air force and the Royal Air Force in particular. The article argues that an understanding of military relations is essential for an understanding of the high politics of the nuclear relationship. It is shown that senior officers in the armed services were the main ‘functional elite’ dealing with nuclear delivery systems and the planning for their use. Relations between these groups were personally and institutionally close and on the whole cordial. In Britain the link sustained optimism about the possibility of close nuclear co-operation in the 1940s and early 1950s and suppressed fears about the loss of nuclear independence in the late 1950s. In the United States it was recognized that military relations were an important channel through which to influence British nuclear policy. The article offers accounts, based on new archival research, of the nuclear aspect of the October 1947 Pentagon talks on the Middle East, Churchill's visit to the United States in January 1952 and the first Anglo-American joint nuclear targeting agreement – the Wilson/Alexander agreement of 12 March 1954. It reveals for the first time details of Plans E and X which equipped the RAF with American atomic and thermonuclear weapons between 1955 and 1958. The article concludes that the British nuclear force was becoming subordinated to the United States even before negotiations about Thor, Skybolt and Polaris missiles became central to the relationship.

scholarly journals Folklore motives in the early compositions of Nikola Borota - Radovan

Muzikologija ◽  
2014 ◽  
pp. 173-192
Author(s):  
Jelena Jovanovic
Keyword(s):  
Popular Music ◽  
World Music ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Italian Renaissance ◽  
Music Culture ◽  
Folk Revival ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Music Production ◽  
Anglo American

The creative work of Nikola Borota - Radovan (musician, composer, lyricist, arranger and record producer, based in New Zealand - formerly from Yugoslavia) held a specific place in development of world music (poly)genre in his native homeland in the early 1970s. This study focuses on his creative principles, applied to works published between the years 1970 and 1975 (while the role of these works in social, cultural and political context of the time and place will be elaborated in another study, see Jovanovic 2014). The platform established to present this unique musical approach authenticaly was called kamen na kamen (a studio and stage outfit that has included number of collaborations over many years). Based on the musical models and aethetics of the folk revival and created under influence of The Beatles?, in adition to many other popular music production directions of the era, Borota?s works reveal significant musical, performance and production qualities, innovative expression and musical solutions, that need to be percieved from the contemporary (ethno)musicological point of view. Despite the fact that many prominent creative Yugoslav musicians of the time also worked within a similar framework I would argue that Mr. Borota?s creative outcome was signifficantly different from other Yugoslav popular music creative efforts. This is particularly noticeable in the author?s unique treatment of South-European and other folklore motives, which is the main topic of this study. Folk (ethnic) idioms exploited by Mr. Borota in his compositions originate from the rural traditions of western Dinaric regions. This is especially true for the rhythmic formations of deaf or silent dance; for the semi-urban and urban tradition of the Balkans and the Mediterranean; Middle European traditions; traditions from non-European peoples; elements of Italian Renaissance; and international (mostly Anglo-American) musical models. Compositions are analysed partly in accordance with the principles presented by Philip Tagg (1982), and following the principles of the ?Finnish method? in ethnomusicology. According to my best knowledge, there was no previous comparable (ethno) musicological ellaboration of folk revival, Beatlesque influences and early forrays into world music within Yugoslav popular music culture. I therefore consider this study to be the first contribution to the research in this subject.

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