The support copula in the left periphery

Author(s):  
Teresa O’Neill

This chapter presents novel evidence for the morphological support approach to the copula, based on data from non-standard amalgam specificational copular constructions in English, like We need coffee is what we need. In these constructions, the copula linking the two clauses shows unusual syntactic and semantic properties. Evidence from an interpretation experiment shows that, although it is inflected for tense, the copula of an amalgam construction fails to associate with semantic tense. Furthermore, the amalgam copula cannot associate with the syntactic hallmarks of the T-domain or the V-domain; however, it can combine with material from the C-domain, suggesting that in these constructions, only the C-domain is present. To account for the amalgam specificational copular construction, a late-insertion analysis of the copula is adopted, under which the inflected forms of the copula are inserted as morphological support wherever inflectional features, combinations of [fin], [tense], and [φ‎], are stranded on a functional head. Since these features can be spelled out on a copula in C in the absence of T and V, it must be the case that higher functional projections can be independent from lower ones.

2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-47
Author(s):  
PAUL ROWLETT

ABSTRACTThis article focuses on the behaviour of negation and clitics in the context of French imperatives. Standard descriptions contrast positive Fais-le ! (with enclisis) with negative (Ne) le fais pas ! (with proclisis). I adopt a view of imperatives in terms of a pragmatic irrealis mood feature associated with Rizzi's (1997) exploded CP and defective/impoverished morphology which allows inflection and irrealis mood features to be checked on a single functional head. Thus, positive imperatives can check all their grammatical features before merger of any clitics, which (following Shlonsky, 2004) will therefore be enclitic. The presence of negation, when realised as a grammatical feature on an (overt or null) functional head within the clausal trunk, prevents this from happening because negation intervenes between the relevant inflection and mood features in the universal hierarchy underlying the Rizzi/Cinque exploded CP/IP. Outside cliticisation contexts, the difference has no surface impact: Viens ! vs. (Ne) viens pas ! In cliticisation contexts, in contrast, there is a surface difference: negative imperatives cannot check all their inflectional features at the point at which clitics are merged, and clitics will not therefore be enclitic. Regionally/stylistically marked forms like Fais-le pas !, in which proclisis and negation co-occur, must be deemed to have a radically different structure, with no negative feature projected within the inflectional domain. Such forms are argued to be a natural (and therefore expected) innovation within Jespersen's cycle of diachronic development.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Isabel Oltra-Massuet

This article deals with the morphosyntactic and semantic properties of the adjectives derived with the English morpheme -ish. The main goal of the paper is to outline a morphosyntactic analysis of -ish that: (i) accounts for its cross-categorial nature, (ii) derives its surface polysemy, and (iii) is compatible with Bochnak & Csipak's (2014) recent semantic analysis of deadjectival -ish (for example, reddish) and free-standing propositional -ish (for example, I liked the movie …ish) as a metalinguistic degree operator. Focusing on the analysis of the various subtypes of bounded -ish forms, this paper develops a unified morphosyntactic approach to -ish with a single shared semantics, and suggests that the cross-categorial and polysemous nature of -ish derives from three main closely interrelated factors: (i) the source of the degree variable that -ish targets, whether syntactic, lexical, or metalinguistic; (ii) the syntactic realization site of -ish; and (iii) the late insertion of the underspecified morpheme -ish.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elena Callegari

Abstract According to Rizzi & Bocci’s (2017) suggested hierarchy of the left periphery, fronted foci (FOC) can never precede polarity complementizers (PolC); yet languages like Bulgarian and Macedonian appear to display precisely such an ordering configuration. On the basis of a cross-linguistic comparison of ten Slavic languages, I argue that in the Slavic subgroup the possibility of having a focus precede PolC is dependent on the morphological properties of the complementizer itself: in languages where the order FOC < PolC is acceptable, PolC is a complex morpheme derived through the incorporation of a lower functional head with a higher one. The order FOC < PolC is then derived by giving overt spell-out to the intermediate copy of PolC rather than to the topmost one. In turn, this option is linked to the possibility, recorded in all languages which allow for FOC < PolC, to also realize the morpheme expressing interrogative polarity as an enclitic particle attaching to fronted foci.


1997 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 511-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANNE ZRIBI-HERTZ

This paper shows, after Watkins (1967) and Tremblay (1989, 1991), that the possessive phrase of This is John's does not necessarily include an elliptical Possessee. This ambiguity is argued to arise from the dual nature of the possessive marker, which may either be inflectional or derivational in Modern English. In the first case, it may be analysed as a functional head, as proposed by Abney (1987) and Kayne (1993, 1994); in the second case, it operates in the lexicon, deriving possessive adjectives which exhibit complementary morphological and semantic properties in adnominal and predicate positions.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-335
Author(s):  
Nicola Munaro

Abstract In this article I analyze the complementizer doubling construction attested in some early and modern Italo-Romance varieties, where a preposed (clausal or non clausal) constituent associated to the selected clause appears in the embedded left periphery preceded and followed by a subordinating complementizer. While the higher complementizer is uncontroversially interpreted as a lexicalization of the head Force°, the lower complementizer has been taken to lexicalize either the functional head Topic° or the functional head Fin°. Relying on previous formal analyses of subject extraction, I argue that in the varieties in which the lower complementizer lexicalizes Fin°, its presence reflects the lexicalization of the mood features encoded by Fin°, and is ultimately due to the extraction of the thematic subject out of the embedded clause through Spec,FinP, a movement strategy made possible by the presence of an expletive pro in the canonical preverbal subject position.


2020 ◽  
pp. 23-30
Author(s):  
Yana CHANKOVA

The present paper reports some findings from the author’s research on a particular non-canonical order, derived by Scrambling and attested with double object constructions with one non-finite verb in The York-TorontoHelsinki Parsed Corpus of Old English Prose (2003). The account of Scrambling is launched in a Minimalist syntactic framework but invokes information-structural and semantic factors in an attempt to assess the extent to which the general linearization principles can be affected by such factors. The paper provides convergent support to the claim that Scrambling is an optional displacement operation raising internal Arguments and Adjuncts out of their source positions into phrasallyadjoined targets in the left periphery of vP. Assuming that Scrambling has an effect on the way constituent order correlates with discourse roles, the following paper argues that Scrambling in Old English occurs on the Syntax-Information Structure Interface, and, by corollary that it can be thought of as a type of information packaging syntactic device. Though syntactically optional, the studied Syntax-Information Structure interactions are semantically effective, i.e. they have a bearing on semantic interpretation and can best be described as interface interactions, whereby the scrambled modified orders are licensed based on their syntactic, information structural and semantic properties.


2004 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 543-566
Author(s):  
Malte Zimmermann

This article analyses the German discourse particle wohl 'I suppose', 'presumably' as a syntactic and semantic modifier of the sentence types declarative and interrogative. It is shown that wohl does not contribute to the propositional, i.e. descriptive content of an utterance. Nor does it trigger an implicature. The proposed analysis captures the semantic behaviour of wohl by assuming that it moves to SpecForceP at LF, from where it can modify the sentence type operators in Force0 in compositional fashion. Semantically, a modification with wohl results in a weaker commitment to the proposition expressed in declaratives and in a request for a weaker commitment concerning the questioned proposition in interrogatives. Cross-linguistic evidence for a left-peripheral position of wohl (at LF) comes from languages in which the counterpart of wohl occurs in the clausal periphery overtly. Overall, the analysis sheds more light on the semantic properties of the left periphery, in particular of the functional projection ForceP.  


2002 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley B. Klein ◽  
Leda Cosmides ◽  
Kristi A. Costabile ◽  
Lisa Mei
Keyword(s):  

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document