late insertion
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Author(s):  
Megan Gotowski

Sluicing has traditionally been analyzed as an operation involving wh-movement and deletion (Merchant 2001). French is a language that has both fronted and wh-in situ strategies; on the surface, however, it seems that French sluices do not involve (overt) movement, in spite of this being an available option. For nearly all wh-words, the in situ and moved forms are the same; the exception is que/quoi ‘what’— que is found in fronted wh-questions alone, while quoi is found in situ. In sluicing, only quoi surfaces, suggesting that French may be a challenge for the movement-and-deletion approach (Dagnac 2019). By formalizing an analysis within a late insertion approach to the syntax-morphology interface, I argue that not only do sluices in French involve full structure, but that they involve movement as well. I assume that the wh-word is initially represented in the syntactic derivation as an abstract feature bundle. The morphological form is determined in the mapping of syntax to morphology by locality-dependent Vocabulary Insertion (VI) rules that are sensitive to C. These rules apply only after ellipsis occurs. Following Thoms (2010), I argue that C is targeted in sluicing, and as a result destroys the context that would trigger que. This analysis is able to capture sluicing in French, while explaining the behavior of quoi more generally.


Languages ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 142
Author(s):  
Katharina S. Schuhmann ◽  
Michael T. Putnam

In late-insertion, realizational models of morphology such as Distributed Morphology (DM), the insertion of Vocabulary Items (VIs) is conditioned by cyclic operations in the syntax. This paper explores whether an isomorphic relationship can be established between cyclic operations such as phases and prosodic domains. In the spirit of D’Alessandro and Scheer’s (2015) proposal of a Modular Phase Impenetrability Condition (MPIC), we strive to provide an analysis in which prosodic boundaries in even smaller, word-level-like syntactic structures—the ‘lexical domain’—can be identified solely within the syntax. We propose a DM-account for the distribution of nominal plural exponency in German, which reveals a dominant trend for a trochaic-foot structure for all but -s-plural exponents (Wiese 2001, 2009). Inspired by Gouskova’s (2019) and Svenonius’ (2016) work concerning the prosody–morphology interface, we argue that the index of a Prosodic Word ω in non-s-plurals is associated with a specific feature configuration. We propose that only a n[+pl(ural)] configuration, in which the nominalizing head n hosts the SynSem-feature Num(ber)[+pl(ural)], rather than a general cyclic categorizing phase head such as n, indexes a Prosodic Word ω for nominal plural exponents in (Standard) German. Based on this empirical evidence from German plural exponency, we argue that (i) prosodic boundaries can be established directly by syntactic structures, (ii) these prosodic boundaries condition VI insertion during the initial stages of Spell-Out, and (iii) prosodic domains are based on individual languages’ syntactic structures and feature configurations, and are thus relativized and language-specific in nature.


Author(s):  
Abel Cruz Flores

This paper examines gender assignment in Spanish–English bilingual speech and develops a theoretical account of gender features in the bilingual grammar on the basis of the linguistic properties that correlate with gender assignment. An analysis of 76 sociolinguistic interviews from an autonomous bilingual community in Southern Arizona, U.S. (Carvalho 2012) reveals three key findings in terms of gender assignment in Spanish Det–English Noun switched DPs (i.e., el industry ‘the.M.SG’): (i) biological sex categorically determines gender assignment with human-denoting nouns; (ii) frequent inanimate nouns that have Spanish feminine counterparts are feminine in bilingual speech; (iii) masculine is a prevailing default gender. Following Kramer’s (2015) proposal of gender features, it is argued that an interpretable [+/-FEM] feature encodes biological sex in the grammar whereby a category-neutral √ combines with a n hosting an interpretable [+/-FEM] feature and triggers feminine (i.e., la coach ‘the.F.SG’) or masculine (i.e., el stepson ‘the.M.SG’) agreement. Inanimate feminine nouns are associated with an uninterpretable [+FEM] feature as the result of bilingualism (i.e., la school ‘the.F.SG’), and masculine default gender is viewed as an effect of Preminger’ (2009) failed Agree. On the basis of these findings, this paper rejects the distinct-lexicons view of the bilingual language faculty (MacSwan 2000 et seq.) and attempts to substantiate a single-lexicon approach compatible with a realizational (Late Insertion) view of the morphosyntactic model (Halle and Marantz 1993).


2021 ◽  
pp. 112972982110360
Author(s):  
Fabrizio Brescia ◽  
Mauro Pittiruti ◽  
Matthew Ostroff ◽  
Timothy R Spencer ◽  
Robert B Dawson

Insertion of central venous catheters in the cervico-thoracic area is potentially associated with the risk of immediate/early untoward events, some of them negligible (repeated punctures), some relevant (accidental arterial puncture), and some severe (pneumothorax). Furthermore, different strategies adopted during insertion may reduce or increase the incidence of late catheter-related complications (infection, venous thrombosis, dislodgment). This paper describes a standardized protocol (S.I.C.: Safe Insertion of Centrally Inserted Central Catheters) for the systematic application of seven basic beneficial strategies to be adopted during insertion of central venous catheters in the cervico-thoracic region, aiming to minimize immediate, early, or late insertion-related complications. These strategies include: preprocedural evaluation, appropriate aseptic technique, ultrasound guided insertion, intra-procedural assessment of the tip position, adequate protection of the exit site, proper securement of the catheter, and adequate coverage of the exit site.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Uli Sauerland ◽  
Artemis Alexiadou

The theory of language must predict the possible thought—signal (or meaning—sound or sign) pairings of a language. We argue for a Meaning First architecture of language where a thought structure is generated first. The thought structure is then realized using language to communicate the thought, to memorize it, or perhaps with another purpose. Our view contrasts with the T-model architecture of mainstream generative grammar, according to which distinct phrase-structural representations—Phonetic Form (PF) for articulation, Logical Form (LF) for interpretation—are generated within the grammar. At the same time, our view differs from early transformational grammar and generative semantics: We view the relationship between the thought structure and the corresponding signal as one of compression. We specify a formal sketch of compression as a choice between multiple possible pronounciations balancing the desire to transmit information against the effort of pronounciation. The Meaning First architecture allows a greater degree of independence between thought structures and the linguistic signal. We present three arguments favoring this type of independence. First we argue that scopal properties can be better explained if we only compare thought structures independent of the their realization as a sentence. Secondly, we argue that Meaning First architecture allows contentful late insertion, an idea that has been argued for in Distributed Morphology already, but as we argue is also motivated by the division of the logical and socio-emotive meaning content of language. Finally, we show that only the Meaning First architecture provides a satisfying account of the mixing of multiple languages by multilingual speakers, especially for cases of simultaneous articulation across two modalities in bimodal speakers. Our view of the structure of grammar leads to a reassessment of priorities in linguistic analyses: while current mainstream work is often focused on establishing one-to-one relationships between concepts and morphemes, our view makes it plausible that primitive concepts are frequently marked indirectly or unpronounced entirely. Our view therefore assigns great value to the understanding of logical primitives and of compression.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-83
Author(s):  
Phoevos Panagiotidis

Abstract This paper offers a review of a current understanding of the content and the form of linguistic roots. It first updates and buttresses the case against semantic content of uncategorised roots and for Late Insertion of roots; then it investigates how native speakers identify roots. More specifically, the idea that roots may be polysemous or may encode the shadow of a denotation, namely the common denominator of the denotations of words derived from it, is refuted on the basis of conceptual and empirical arguments from a number of languages. Subsequently, the existence of a spectrum of content to which roots belong, with roots ranging from contentless to semantically specific and concrete, is also shown to be illusory, and to result from the actual productivity, hence diversity, of the words derived from it. Arguments for Late Insertion of roots are then reviewed and updated, divorcing roots from the forms that realise them. These arguments are systematically combined with the semantic contentlessness of roots in support of Acquaviva’s analysis of them as abstract indices, i.e. as the syntax-internal criteria of lexical identity. This account is taken to its logical conclusion in the final section: if roots are indeed abstract indices, then they cannot be identified either by the semantic content they realise within grammatical structures or by their forms. An account is therefore advanced according to which roots are identified just once by native speakers over their lexicon at a given moment and on the basis of three heuristic principles: one form-based, one based on the feature content and the exponence of the structures in which roots are embedded, and one taking care of root suppletion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. e15-e15
Author(s):  
Sunil Joghee

Abstract Background Umbilical venous catheter (UVC) insertion is a very common procedure in neonatal intensive care units (NICU). UVCs are placed in ideal position in only about 50% cases. It is common practice to secure UVC in low position in the event of failure to place in optimal position. However, little is known about the association between catheter tip position and UVC related complications in neonates. Objectives The primary objective was to examine the association between the UVC tip position and UVC related complications in neonates. Our secondary objective was to evaluate the association between timing of UVC insertion and complication rates. Design/Methods We performed a retrospective cohort study of all neonates who had UVC inserted in a tertiary NICU between January 2017 and December 2018. Neonates with major congenital or chromosomal anomalies, hydrops fetalis and prenatally diagnosed cardiac arrhythmias or pericardial effusion were excluded. Electronic medical records and medical charts were reviewed. The primary outcome was presence of any one of the following complications: cardiac (arrhythmias, pericardial effusion, intracardiac thrombosis), hepatic (liver hematoma, cystic fluid collection in the liver, liver abscess, portal vein thrombosis), catheter associated infection, and mechanical complications. We compared the complications rates based on UVC tip position as determined by thoraco-abdominal radiograph. Optimal UVC position was defined as catheter tip between T8-T10 vertebral levels; low position as below T10 and high position as above T8. We also examined the association between time at UVC insertion (i.e. early (<12 hours) versus late (≥12 hours) and the type of complications. Results Among the 589 neonates who had UVC inserted during the study period, 40 were excluded. Of 549 included, UVC tip was at optimal position in 267 (48.6%), low position in 248 (45.2%) and high position in 34 (6.2%) neonates. The mean gestational age and birth weight of the study cohort were 30.9 ± 5.1 weeks and 1712 ± 1035g respectively. The mean birth weight and gestational age were comparable among the three groups. The overall complication rate was 36/549 (6.5%). There were no significant differences in the overall complication rates between the three groups (Table 1). However, cardiac complications (arrhythmias) were more frequent in the high UVC group compared to the optimum position group (8.8% vs 0.37%, OR 10; 95% CI 1.84, 56.5). Among 549 neonates, 391 had early UVC insertion and 158 had late insertion of UVC. There was no significant difference in UVC related complications between early and late insertion of UVC (6.9 % versus 5.7%, OR 2.49; 95% CI 0.34, 17.8). Conclusion The UVC related complications were more frequent in infants with high UVC position and least among those with optimal UVC position; although not statistically significant, it may be clinically important. High UVC position was more frequently associated with cardiac complications. There was no difference in complication rates between early and late UVC insertion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 315-353
Author(s):  
Faye Venetia Harrison ◽  
Sara Wagner Pimenta Goncalves Junior

Interview invitation sent to Faye Harrison, in a moment really memorable and very important to me (and my community) as transgender and latin american woman. The audience was primarily the Journal (RE-DOC - UERJ) but for the late insertion, we find another productions of researchers in education interested in race, xenophobia, indentity and interested too in gender studies and also, we try to summarize what the education is talking about, when we talk about you, how you know and felt when you had been here at UERJ. That is something interesting because you are mainly working [in] gender, identity and race. You have around mostly with "outsider within" working here, but still the impact of your work and your earlier work is still connected to your nowadays writings. And now that you are promoting your book "Decolonizing Anthropology: Moving Further toward an Anthropology for Liberation," I think people want to know your opinion about what we are doing here in terms of theory itself that can be connected to education.


Author(s):  
Teresa O’Neill

This chapter presents novel evidence for the morphological support approach to the copula, based on data from non-standard amalgam specificational copular constructions in English, like We need coffee is what we need. In these constructions, the copula linking the two clauses shows unusual syntactic and semantic properties. Evidence from an interpretation experiment shows that, although it is inflected for tense, the copula of an amalgam construction fails to associate with semantic tense. Furthermore, the amalgam copula cannot associate with the syntactic hallmarks of the T-domain or the V-domain; however, it can combine with material from the C-domain, suggesting that in these constructions, only the C-domain is present. To account for the amalgam specificational copular construction, a late-insertion analysis of the copula is adopted, under which the inflected forms of the copula are inserted as morphological support wherever inflectional features, combinations of [fin], [tense], and [φ‎], are stranded on a functional head. Since these features can be spelled out on a copula in C in the absence of T and V, it must be the case that higher functional projections can be independent from lower ones.


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