Phrase Structure and Movement in Japanese

Japanese exhibits some unique features with respect to phrase structure and movement. It is well-known that its phrase structure is strictly head-final. It also provides ample evidence that a sentence may have more complex structure than its surface form suggests. Causative sentences are the best-known example of this. They appear to be simple sentences with verbs accompanying the causative suffix, -sase. But the causative suffix is an independent verb and takes a small clause vP complement in the syntactic representation. Japanese sentences can have a rich structure in the right periphery. For example, embedded clauses may contain up to three overt complementizers, corresponding to Finite (no), Interrogative (ka), and Report/Force (to). Matrix clauses may end in a sequence of discourse particles, such as wa, yo, and ne. Each of the complementizers and discourse particles has a selectional requirement of its own. More research is required to settle on the functional heads in the nominal structure. Among the controversial issues are whether D is present and whether Case markers should be analyzed as independent heads. Various kinds of movement operations are observed in the language. NP-movement to the subject position takes place in passive and unaccusative sentences, and clausal comparatives and clefts are derived by operator-movement. Scrambling is a unique movement operation that should be distinguished from both NP-movement and operator-movement. It does not establish operator-variable relations but is not subject to the locality requirements imposed on NP-movement. It cannot be PF-movement as it creates new binding possibilities. It is still debated whether head movement, for example, the movement of verb to tense, takes place in the language.

A formal approach to role language: sentence-final particles and the speaker-hearer link

This paper addresses sentence-final items that fall into the category of role language in Japanese and proposes an analysis from a cartographic perspective. To this end, the syntactic and semantic properties of these items are investigated, with particular attention to their distribution concerning root/embedded context and clause type. The investigation shows that the elements under consideration can be classified into three subcategories and that they are all connected to the speaker-hearer link via agreement relationship, on a par with the politeness marker -mas-. It is also argued that only one subcategory, dubbed gender particles, additionally interacts with illocutionary force and clause type of the sentence, similarly to discourse particles. From this study, it is implied that the role language can be studied within the framework of a syntax-discourse interface.

On the acquisition of either and too

This paper presents an experimental investigation of how English-learning children acquire the additive discourse particles either and too. In the target grammar these items exhibit near-complementary distribution conditioned on the polarity of their host sentence. The path leading to that grammar appears to be rather intricate. We present comprehension data showing that for an extended period of time (3–5 ya) learners find both items acceptable in both polarity environments, exhibiting only a weak adult-like tendency of preferring either in negative and too in positive sentences. At 6 ya, their grammar appears categorical wrt. either in that they no longer tolerate it in positive sentences while still exhibiting only a weak dispreference for too in negative environments. These findings are even more striking in the context of production data. We find that child-directed speech is essentially categorical, providing unambiguous evidence for the adult grammar. Moreover, we find essentially categorical, adult-like use of either and too in child production from the earliest stage of development. These observations raise a number of challenges for theories of either and too and for approaches to learning focus particles more generally. Perhaps most strikingly, the protracted insensitivity of the learner's grammar to accumulation of unambiguous evidence constitutes a novel argument from the abundance of evidence for encapsulated learning.

Poisson regression for linguists: A tutorial introduction to modeling count data with brms

Count data is prevalent in many different areas of linguistics, such as when counting words, syntactic constructions, discourse particles, case markers, or speech errors. The Poisson distribution is the canonical distribution for characterizing count data with no or unknown upper bound. Whereas logistic regression is very common in linguistics, Poisson regression is little known. This tutorial introduces readers to foundational concepts needed for Poisson regression, followed by a hands-on tutorial using the R package brms. We discuss a dataset where Catalan and Korean speakers change the frequency of their co-speech gestures as a function of politeness contexts. This dataset also involves exposure variables (the incorporation of time to deal with unequal intervals) and overdispersion (excess variance). Altogether, we hope that more linguists will consider Poisson regression for the analysis of count data.

A Balkan View on the Left Periphery: Modal and Discourse Particles

The present paper discusses two sets of so-called particles in the Balkan languages, arguing that the correspondences attested in the E-languages reveal abstract properties at the level of the I-language. The first set involves modal particles which participate in the analytic expressions of the “future” and the “subjunctive”. Future markers are construed as V-related elements externalizing a scope position of the verb, while the subjunctive markers take their features from the nominal set. The second set of data involves the discourse marker “haide” which is argued to externalize features associated with the force of the sentence and its anchoring to the discourse participants. In the case of modal particles, the languages under consideration retain their own lexica, while in the case of the discourse marker, they share the same lexical item (lexical borrowing). Analysis of these phenomena supports an articulated left periphery which also accounts for the similar distribution of the discourse marker “haide”. At the same time, the different externalizations leave room for further microparametric variation.

Distribution of Discourse Markers Elements or Discourse Particle as an Entity Relationship in Discourse

The process of determining groups, features and functions of discourse markers or discourse particle are debateable among language researchers. Various definitions and classification of elements have developed confusion of its status. The efforts to rearrange various opinions related to discourse markers or discourse particles according to certain functions are able to create systematic categories and expose its functions clearly. This article aimed to examine a number of discourse markers concepts or discourse particles and its functions according to the context of grammar and pragmatics as well as the features and domains of discourse markers or discourse particles from views from past studies. The methodology used was the examination of discourse markers or discourse particles into a theory, a model which explained the functions of discourse markers or discourse particles. This explained the research findings which listed the inventory concept of discourse markers or discourse particles, the functions, features and domain of discourse markers or discourse particles in detailed. Distribution of concepts, functions and domain of discourse markers or discourse particles from the views from past studies indicated that discourse markers or discourse particles is a meaningful entity in communication.

Managing interpersonal discourse expectations: a comparative analysis of contrastive discourse particles in Dutch

In this article we investigate how speakers manage discourse expectations in dialogue by comparing the meaning and use of three Dutch discourse particles, i.e. wel, toch and eigenlijk, which all express a contrast between their host utterance and a discourse-based expectation. The core meanings of toch, wel and eigenlijk are formally distinguished on the basis of two intersubjective parameters: (i) whether the particle marks alignment or misalignment between speaker and addressee discourse beliefs, and (ii) whether the particle requires an assessment of the addressee’s representation of mutual discourse beliefs. By means of a quantitative corpus study, we investigate to what extent the intersubjective meaning distinctions between wel, toch and eigenlijk are reflected in statistical usage patterns across different social situations. Results suggest that wel, toch and eigenlijk are lexicalizations of distinct generalized politeness strategies when expressing contrast in social interaction. Our findings call for an interdisciplinary approach to discourse particles in order to enhance our understanding of their functions in language.