scholarly journals Adjectival concord in Romance and Germanic

Author(s):  
Giuliana Giusti

This chapter provides a unified analysis of adnominal and predicate adjectives in Romance and Germanic by distinguishing three types of feature sharing: agreement, concord and projection, along the lines of Giusti (2015). It claims that in both Romance and Germanic, an uninterpretable feature of N agrees with possessive adjectives, while adnominal adjectives concord with N in a Spec-Head configuration checking an uninterpretable feature bundle on A. Romance and Germanic only differ in how concord is spelled out. Romance adjectives (with the exception of Walloon) are inflected for nominal features and concord with null head. German adjectives are uninflected and concord with an overt N-segment. The proposal argues against a unification of concord and agreement and in favour of an autonomous category, adjective, crosslinguistically.

Author(s):  
Ehsan Emad Marvasti ◽  
Arash Raftari ◽  
Amir Emad Marvasti ◽  
Yaser P. Fallah ◽  
Rui Guo ◽  
...  

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.-Marc Authier

In this article, I argue that the phase edge in the C field shares features via Agree with an intermediate layer (FinP) and with a lower projection (ΣP), allowing it to determine the type of clause and its polarity. I adopt a feature-sharing relation of Agree that connects all of the polarity features present on heads (be they Σ, Fin, and, in some cases, VFoc) to a polarity feature in Force, the relevant phase-edge position for clausal typing. This explains, among other things, why embedded clauses containing a polarity feature can only satisfy the selectional properties of a particular class of (matrix) verbs.


Author(s):  
Elly van Gelderen

In diachronic change, specifiers are reanalysed as heads and heads as higher heads. When the older specifiers and heads are renewed, a linguistic cycle emerges. Explanations provided for these cycles include structural and featural economy (e.g. van Gelderen 2004; 2011). Chomsky’s (2013, 2015) focus on labelling as unconnected to merge makes it possible to see the cycles in another way, namely as resolutions to labelling problems. The Labelling Algorithm (LA) operates after merge is complete, when a syntactic derivation is transferred to the interfaces. When a head and a phrase merge, the LA determines that the head is the label by Minimal Search. Where two phrases merge, the LA cannot find the head and one of the phrases has to either move or share features with the other. This chapter argues that, in addition to Chomsky’s resolutions to labelling paradoxes, reanalysing a phrase as a head also resolves the paradox. It also shows that the third factor principle minimal search is preferable over feature-sharing. The change from phrase to head is frequent, as eight cross-linguistically attested changes show. In addition, in the renewal stage of a cycle, adjuncts are frequently incorporated as arguments showing a preference of set-merge (feature-sharing) over pair-merge.


2020 ◽  
Vol 34 (03) ◽  
pp. 2343-2350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peilin Chen ◽  
Hai Wan ◽  
Shaowei Cai ◽  
Jia Li ◽  
Haicheng Chen

The Maximum k-plex Problem is an important combinatorial optimization problem with increasingly wide applications. In this paper, we propose a novel strategy, named Dynamic-threshold Configuration Checking (DCC), to reduce the cycling problem of local search. Due to the complicated neighborhood relations, all the previous local search algorithms for this problem spend a large amount of time in identifying feasible neighbors in each step. To further improve the performance on dense and challenging instances, we propose Double-attributes Incremental Neighborhood Updating (DINU) scheme which reduces the worst-case time complexity per iteration from O(|V|⋅ΔG) to O(k · Δ‾G). Based on DCC strategy and DINU scheme, we develop a local search algorithm named DCCplex. According to the experiment result, DCCplex shows promising result on DIMACS and BHOSLIB benchmark as well as real-world massive graphs. Especially, DCCplex updates the lower bound of the maximum k-plex for most dense and challenging instances.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheng Liu ◽  
Chu-Tao Zheng ◽  
Si Wu ◽  
Zhiwen Yu ◽  
Hau-San Wong

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