Language Rights and Language Repression

Author(s):  
Stephen May

Many historical and contemporary conflicts in the world today, while often ostensibly framed in ethnic terms, actually involve language—and by extension, language policy—as a key catalyst or concern. This chapter charts how the widespread practice of enforcing linguistic homogeneity within modern nations-states, based on the view that this will minimize ethnic and linguistic conflict, actually exacerbates it, forcing linguistic minorities increasingly into avenues and means of dissent. More broadly, it explores how this preoccupation with linguistic homogeneity at the level of the nation-state is an unhelpful artifact of a combination of the negative ascription of ethnicity, the politics of nationalism, and the promotion of an individualist conception of citizenship and human rights. It concludes by arguing that language policies that actively accommodate minority language rights are more, rather than less, likely to ensure political stability—promoting not just political democracy but ethnocultural and ethnolinguistic democracy as well.

2021 ◽  
pp. 103-127

This chapter discusses linguistic practice, governance, and power. Topics covered include rights and freedoms, law and policy, research evaluation and gendered pronouns. Chapter contents: 6.0 Introduction (by Séagh Kehoe) 6.1 China’s Minority Language Rights: No Bulwark Against Upcoming Change (by Alexandra Grey) 6.2 Linguistic Hierarchies and Mandarin Promulgation: An Excerpt from Dialect and Nationalism in China, 1860–1960 (by Gina Anne Tam) 6.3 The Hidden Language Policy of China’s Research Evaluation Reform (by Race MoChridhe) 6.4 War of Words and Gender: Pronominal Feuds of the Republican Period and the Early PRC (by Coraline Jortay)


1969 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tamara Levy

In federal societies, intergovernmental relations are necessarily a part of political life. But, as a student of intergovernmental relations (IGR), I want to understand, how much do intergovernmental relations really matter to particular policy outcomes? In order to assess this question, I have undertaken a study of minority language rights policies in two federal societies, Belgium and Canada (the Countries). In these circumstances, the above question is refined and can instead be stated as follows: what factors influence the content of minority language policies in the Countries?


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Lundberg

AbstractThe existing Chinese legal framework for the protection of minority language rights is challenged by the development of law for the promotion of the majority language. The Regional National Autonomy Law (RNAL) is a centre-piece in the protection of minority language rights having the aim of guaranteeing the rights of the minority nationalities to administer their internal affairs. However, despite that, the RNAL stipulates that the autonomous organs shall guarantee the freedom of the minority nationalities to use and develop their language, culture and traditions. The law- and decision-making powers of the autonomous organs are subject to the approval of higher level authorities under the rules of governance based on the principles of 'democratic centralism'. This research argues that, particularly in view of the legal developments to promote the majority language, the institutional framework of the RNAL cannot provide an effective procedural guarantee for the implementation of minority language rights in accordance with international human rights law. Nevertheless, this article propounds that since China has proclaimed that it is moving towards governance based on the principles of the rule of law and international human rights standards for the protection of minority language rights could have an influence in this transition by increasing the clarity of the aims of the protection of minority language rights. In accordance with these principles, the role of the autonomous organs could be strengthened and clarified by the adoption of regulations and specific measures for the implementation of the RNAL by central and provincial authorities.


2003 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-303 ◽  
Author(s):  

West European nation-states which emerged after the Treaty of West Phalia concluded in 1648 were established based on the maxim: one nation, one (official language). But this principle and policy are inappropriate for multinational and ployglot polities. And yet, the tendency to imitate the nation-state model persists all over the world. The inherent inappropriateness of this model is unfolded through an examinationof the linguistic situation and language policy in India. After locating the deficits in the three approaches advocated in India-traditionalist, nationalist and modernist-the pluralist approach is put forward as a viable and democratic alternative for a cultural renewal of India. This approach, it is argued, will facilitate the programme of eradication of illiteracy, project of participatory development and the process of socio-political transformation all of which are pre-requisites for cultural renewal.


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