political democracy
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2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 150-165
Author(s):  
Daniel Deha

This research discusses about the representation of populist ideology in the Tempo.co’s reporting on #2019GantiPresiden social movement. It uses a critical constructivist paradigm with a qualitative-descriptive approach. The research method used is the framing analysis method with Robert N. Entman’s framing analysis model. The results show that Tempo.co uses a language that is unique and synonymous with the concept of populism through words, sentences and images. These dictums not only show Tempo.co’s ideology, but simultaneously represent a populist ideology in its reporting. Tempo.co described the mass demonstration (social movement) as a dualism of the Indonesian political democracy system. On one side, Indonesia’s political climate is not yet familiar and passionate about populism issues, but on the other side, Tempo.co actually anticipates disruption due to the radicalism of religious-fundamentalists group. Tempo.co’s ideology represents the whole face of media politics in Indonesia which regards populism as a deviant ideology.


Thesis Eleven ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 167 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-41
Author(s):  
Veit Bader

Associative Democracy (AD) has been developed as a specific response to statist socialism and neoliberal capitalism, drawing on older traditions such as associationalism, democratic socialism, and cooperative socialism. As the ‘real third way’, it is distinct from neoliberal privatization and deregulation in the Blair–Schröder varieties of social democracy and in the conservative Reagan–Thatcher–Cameron varieties. This article summarizes what seemed to make AD an attractive realist utopia: its combination of economic, societal and political democracy; its focus on democratic institutional pluralism in all these regards; its considered moral/political minimalism; and its practical experimentalism. It recapitalizes some of the important economic, societal and political changes during the last decennia that seem to make AD plainly utopian again. It focuses on an outline of basic principles and institutions of socio-economic alternatives to capitalism because, if neoliberalism rules supreme, no viable alternatives can emerge and grow. Even if there is not one institutional design that fits all countries and contexts, we can show what the basic tenets of such alternatives are and how such a colourful democratic socialism relates to and can integrate other approaches such as ‘circular economy’, ‘foundational economy’ and ‘radical social innovation’. The hope is that AD’s broad institutional pluralism and its emphasis on practical experimentalism show new ways of thinking which are urgently needed for sustainable and socially fair economic development and for renewing representative democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Marchetti

The statue of Glauco that the sea and the storms have disfigured so as to make its appearance more like a ferocious beast than a god, is the famous image with which Jean Jacques Rousseau, in the Discourse on the origin of inequality, questions himself on Human Nature, in a reflection that will have its purpose both in the political project of the Contract and in the pedagogical project of the Emilio. The image serves in fact to reiterate that that deterioration, that ugliness, is only external and that the statue (the man) has remained in its depths beautiful and good, since in him the feeling of piety, of his own and of his remains unchanged. dignity and the vocation to freedom of others. If this were not the case, there would be no possibility for political democracy and democratic education. The growing social inequalities, the artificialization of feelings and relationships due to technology, as well as the spread, after the pandemic, of a sort of mass "claustrophilia", a love for the closed, for one's own, with the consequent rejection of everything that comes from "outside", which is different, foreign or new, seems instead to give credit to Hobbes's thesis, namely that Human Nature is violent and aggressive and that man is always a wolf for the other man. However, it will be the task of the arts, sciences and, above all, of education, to demonstrate that, under the debris left by the salt, Glauco has remained good and that he can rediscover his true essence, the beauty of his original substance.


Somatechnics ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 322-339
Author(s):  
Jim Cherrington

In recent years there have been calls for scholars working within sport and physical culture to recognise the (increasing) confluence of nature and culture. Situated within an emerging body of new materialist research, such accounts have shown how various activities are polluted by, fused to, and assembled with non-human entities. However, more work is needed on the political possibilities afforded by non-human agency, and by extension, the implications that such flat ontological arrangements might raise for the management and governance of physical culture. Building on research conducted with mountain bike trail builders, this article seeks to explore what it means to know, to be, and to govern a human subject in the Anthropocene. Specifically, I draw on James Ash’s (2019) post-phenomenological theory of space and David Chandler’s (2018) notion of onto-political hacking to show how the playful, contingent, and transformative practices of the mountain bike assemblage confront the linear and calculated governance of the English countryside. In doing so, mountain bike trails are positioned as objects of hope that allow for a collective re-imagining of political democracy in a more-than-human landscape.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
RAKSHIT MADAN BAGDE

Our country adopted democracy on January 27, 1950. Political democracy is the system of government formed by electing the people's representatives by the majority. If the foundation of political democracy is not social democracy, it will not last. Gautama Buddha's philosophy provides the values of freedom, equality, brotherhood, and justice. Apart from this, for the development of the whole human being, the solution of eradicating misery and misery from this world is the principle of Arya Ashtangikmarga. So social democracy can be established through the socialism of the Buddha. On this Dr. Ambedkar believed.Another democracy is needed for human life to be happy. That is economic democracy. Establishing economic democracy through state socialism is Dr. Ambedkar's main objective was. He said that there should be a provision for socialism in the state constitution itself. Ambedkar had an opinion. On August 29, 1947, Dr. Ambedkar was elected as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Constitution. He said that even though he was against the incident, he could not incorporate state socialism due to the opposition of other members.He said that the heterogeneous caste system in India would not allow the creation of an egalitarian economy of landlords and industrialists. As Ambedkar was aware, his role was to ensure that it did not take long for the provisions of state socialism to be implemented for more than ten years after the implementation of the constitution.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-174
Author(s):  
Farhan Nugraha ◽  
Muhammad Fakhruddin ◽  
Humaidi Humaidi

Abstrak: Nahdlatul Ulama merupakan salah satu organisasi Islam terbesar di Indonesia. Organisasi ini lahir tentu dari para tokoh-tokoh besar yang menggawanginya, salah satunya Mahbud Djunaidi. Kemampuan politiknya diperoleh dari berbagai pengalaman organisasi dan kemampuan dalam kepenulisan. Adapun permasalahan yang diangkat dalam penelitian ini yaitu bagaimana riwayat politik Mahbub Djunaidi sebagai aktivis politik Nahdlatul Ulama pada tahun 1960-1987. Berdasarkan permasalahan tersebut penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menguraikan perjalanan politik Mahbub Djunaidi (1960-1987). Berdasarkan permasalahan dan tujuan penelitian tersebut, maka metode yang digunakan adalah metode historis yang terdiri dari tahap heuristik, kritik sumber, interpretasi dan historiografi. Hasil dari penelitian menunjukkan bahwa Mahbub Djunaidi memiliki konsep khittah plus. Demokrasi politik ala Mahbub Djunaidi adalah cita-cita demokrasi yang diperjuangkan melalui garis politik.Kata Kunci: Mahbub Djunaidi, Demokrasi Politik, Nahdlatul Ulama.Abstract: Nahdlatul Ulama is one of the largest Islamic organizations in Indonesia. This organization was born of course from the big figures who oversee it, one of them Mahbud Djunaidi. His political abilities are obtained from various organizational experiences and abilities in writing. The problem raised in this research is how the political history of Mahbub Djunaidi as a political activist of Nahdlatul Ulama in 1960-1987. Based on these problems, this study aims to describe the political journey of Mahbub Djunaidi (1960-1987). Based on the problems and objectives of the research, the method used is the historical method which consists of heuristics, source criticism, interpretation and historiography stages. The results of the study show that Mahbub Djunaidi has the concept of khittah plus. Political democracy in the style of Mahbub Djunaidi is the ideal of democracy which is fought for through political lines. Keywords: Mahbub Djunaidi, Political Democracy, Nahdlatul Ulama.


Ensemble ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 243-248
Author(s):  
SIDDHARTHA SANKAR MANNA ◽  

Democracy means the prearrangement of governance in which people can enjoy the greatest means of life. It depends on the larger participation of people regardless of caste, gender, creed, men, and women. So far, the constitution of India shaped a democratic state and ensured the right to liberty, equal rights, the notion of justice, and fraternity for all its citizens in society. The political enterprisers who uphold the various ethnoreligious characteristics, mainly the Hindu nationalist beliefs and opinions, have shaped a lot of confusion and bewilderment about the conceptual ideas of secularism. The Liberal democracy still continues as an arrangement of human governance and structure of values that keep on unwavering for millions of people. At the lower stages, the judicial organization took a large-scale initiative in some debatable and controversial occurrences.


2021 ◽  
pp. 191-262
Author(s):  
William A. Schabas

Fundamental freedoms is an allusion to Roosevelt’s ‘four freedoms’, although they now tend to be associated with those that fall under civil and political rights: freedom of expression, freedom of religion, freedom of peaceful assembly, and freedom of association. They have a degree of relativity, being subject to restrictions or limitations dictated by certain criteria including public morals and the rights of others. They have important links to political democracy, the rights of labour and trade unions, and minority rights. Other rights that may be labelled ‘fundamental freedoms’ are the right to private and family life, the right to marry and to found a family, mobility rights, nationality and the right to property.


Res Publica ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 387-404
Author(s):  
André Philippart

The polling system of «Polls» in Belgium is a typical process of the political life. Its purpose is to elaborate into the political parties the voting lists, either with internal polling processes, or by mecanisms of cooptation, or simply by choices corresponding to the establishment of the Belgian society.The pre-voting process seems to be relevant and adapted to the technique of the proportional repartition of votes between the lists of the parties.In fact, only several organizations of the Belgian Socialist Party utilize regularly this process for the structure of their lists of candidates before the legislature votes.It is a postulat of the political Democracy in Belgium of which the specific result is to reinforce the oligarchies.


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