From British mandate to post Anglo‐American invasion: Reproduction of ethno‐sectarian divides and the breakdown of social cohesion in Mosul

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 6-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muhammed Kürşad Özekin
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 129-158
Author(s):  
Ronen Sela

The HaZor’im settlement in the Lower Galilee, associated with the HaPo’el HaMizraḥi movement, was founded by religious pioneers from Europe. This article demonstrates that members of the HaZor’im organization were unable to fully realize their dream of combining the study of Torah with working the soil in the Land of Israel – “Torah and Labor” – that they had envisioned when they were on the training farm in Europe. Much has been written about the pioneering settlements of the secular labor movement, but there has been relatively little research about the pioneering religious settlements. This article seeks to address that lacuna by answering questions such as why the HaZor’im group was a dominant one throughout the Land of Israel. How could they realistically expect to create a viable settlement movement in Israel without faith in the righteousness of their choices and lacking social cohesion based on pioneering-religious ideology? The story of HaZor’im illustrates the worldview of religious Zionism during the British Mandate. The members were pioneers of the fifth Aliyah who faced social, economic, and religious difficulties. They collaborated in formulating and writing their ideological views, as well as in shaping a coherent work program for their activities on the land. The group began their venture in the Land of Israel in a labor camp near Rishon LeZion, then settled in the Galilee on land they received from other settlers. This study examines the difficulties they faced and shows how their conceptual world was expressed in practice.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (4) ◽  
pp. 870-871
Author(s):  
Richard Deeg

Motivated originally by a concern for the future of the German and Japanese economic models, the authors in this volume actually probe the origins and evolution of these two varieties of nonliberal capitalism. German and Japanese capitalism is nonliberal in that the economies of these countries are more socially and politically regulated than are their Anglo-American counterparts. Markets are also more “embedded” to the degree that economic transactions are also constrained to serve noneconomic objectives, such as social cohesion, or are supported by noneconomic social ties. Embeddedness, it is argued, creates higher levels of “committed labor” and “patient capital” and thus a long-term focus (and cooperation based on loyalty and trust) in economic relations among actors. One of the more intriguing findings of the volume is that formally, very different institutions generate functionally equivalent outcomes and systemic logics across the two cases.


2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 366-382
Author(s):  
Dina Sensi

The European action named “Faiths and Social cohesion”. Building up Social Participation in Religious Difference: Local Muslim Communities inEurope» was assessed during the last six months of the project. The objective was to assess the impact of the actions taken. 


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elaine Morley

Independent of each other, though contemporaneous, the Anglo-American occupiers of Germany and the newly founded United Nations Educational, Cultural and Scientific Organization employed culture to foster greater intercultural and international understanding in 1945. Both enterprises separately saw culture as offering a means of securing the peace in the long term. This article compares the stated intentions and activities of the Anglo-American occupiers and UNESCO vis-à-vis transforming morals and public opinion in Germany for the better after World War II. It reconceptualizes the mobilization of culture to transform Germany through engaging theories of cultural diplomacy and propaganda. It argues that rather than merely engaging in propaganda in the negative sense, elements of these efforts can also be viewed as propaganda in the earlier, morally neutral sense of the term, despite the fact that clear geopolitical aims lay at the heart of the cultural activities of both the occupiers and UNESCO.


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