Women's Emancipation and Civil Society Organisations: Challenging or Maintaining the Status Quo? Edited by ChristinaSchwabenland, ChrisLange, JennyOnyx and SachikoNakagawa. Bristol: Policy Press, 2017, 388 pp., Paperback: 978-1447324782, £28.99

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (7) ◽  
pp. 1056-1058
Author(s):  
Julia Smith
Sociology ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 003803852199697
Author(s):  
Narzanin Massoumi

Research on social movements shows a bias towards movements that oppose the status quo. Consequently, state–movement relations are primarily characterised as antagonistic. Where cooperative relationships are considered, the focus is on co-option and institutionalisation of movements. By contrast, this article focuses on social movements that support the status quo and how in their collaborations with governmental actors, they act as para-statal agencies. Drawing on findings from a multi-site ethnography examining the implementation of the UK Prevent counter-terrorism programme, I show how neoconservative think tanks and counter-extremism civil society organisations help to enact and extend Prevent as a distinct form of political repression. As such, this article gives close attention to the otherwise neglected role that non-state actors play in non-violent political repression. My argument builds on and extends emerging work analysing social movement activity beyond the prism of the ‘challengers versus authorities’ paradigm.


Author(s):  
Jenny Onyx ◽  
Christina Schwabenland ◽  
Chris Lange ◽  
Sachiko Nakagawa

In this chapter the authors highlight the extraordinary diversity of events, perspectives and strategies across the globe demonstrated by the writers of these chapters and the organisations they describe. The authors summarise some of the issues and lessons raised in these various case studies, and, drawing on Fraser’s (2013) framework, they explore the multiple sites and forms of domination and the different forms of resistance these organisational actors have identified. The authors also highlight the respective challenges of working inside as well as attacking from outside those institutions. They specifically focus on the role of civil society organisations and return to the challenging question of whether CSOs are maintaining or challenging the status quo.


Author(s):  
Marco Tavanti ◽  
Cawo Abdi ◽  
Blaire MacHarg

The Somali diaspora plays a vital role in bridging the gap between international non- governmental aid organisations and local Somali civil society. Women’s empowerment initiatives face many challenges in transitional societies such as Somalia. Yet, concerted efforts and multi-faceted investments in this endeavour have the potential to improve the status of women in post-war contexts. This chapter explores the role that Somali diaspora civil society organisations (SD-CSOs) engaged in gender democracy and women’s self-empowerment efforts play in the promotion of gender equality. Through an analysis of capacity development at the meso-level, the study outlines how SD-CSOs are best equipped to support women’s empowerment processes in Somalia through the application of strategies that are both culturally acceptable and internationally recognised.


Author(s):  
Oliver Gerstenberg

This book addresses the question of social constitutionalism, especially with regard to its role in the contemporary European project. For reasons of history and democracy, Europeans share a deep commitment to social constitutionalism. But at the same time, Europeans are concerned about an overconstitutionalization and the balancing-away of less-favoured rights, leading to the entrenchment of the status quo and stifling of the living constitutionalism and democracy. The book challenges the common view that constitutionalization means de-politicization. Without claiming for themselves the final word, courts can exert a more indirect—forum-creative and agenda-setting—role in the process of an ongoing clarification of the meaning of a right. In exerting this role, courts rely less on a pre-existing consensus, but a potential consensus is sufficient: courts can induce debate and deliberation that leads to consensus in a non-hierarchical dialogue in which the conflicting parties, state actors, civil society organizations, and the diverse stakeholders themselves develop flexible substantive standards that interpret constitutional requirements, often over repeat litigation. The CJEU and the ECtHR—as courts beyond the nation state—in their constitutionalizing jurisprudence are able to constructively re-open and re-politicize controversies that are blocked at the national level, or which cannot be resolved at the domestic level. But, crucially, the understanding of constitutional framework-principles is itself subject to revision and reconsideration as the experience of dealing with the diverse national contexts of discovery and application accumulates. This democratic-experimentalist process lies at the heart of the distinctive model of contemporary Euroconstitutionalism.


Significance She had openly accused members of eastern Libyan leader Khalifa Haftar’s family of corruption the day before. The incident is a reminder not only that security challenges remain in the city but also that those who criticise the status quo there can be targeted for abduction and assassination. Impacts The assassination challenges Haftar’s narrative that Benghazi is safe under his forces’ control. Such incidents may deter foreign investors currently being courted for reconstruction efforts. Barassi’s slaying will further shrink the space for critical civil society voices in eastern Libya. Killing women is a particular taboo in Libya and the fact that her tribe could not protect her suggests the breakdown of social norms.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-229
Author(s):  
Kebapetse Lotshwao ◽  
Robert Imre ◽  
Jim Jose

Given that Botswana is considered a stable democracy, the need for democracy assistance does not at first glance seem necessary. Yet, democracy assistance is an important feature of Botswana’s political regime. The rationale for democracy assistance is couched in terms of strengthening the country’s democratic institutions, enhancing the state’s capacity, and bolstering Botswana’s civil society. However, contrary to these stated objectives, this article reveals that democracy assistance serves the agenda of Western donor countries and certain multilateral institutions—an agenda concerned with keeping Botswana politically stable and its state institutions efficient so that the country is attractive to investors. This agenda is pursued at the cost of not making certain long overdue political reforms.


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