Democracy Assistance for Botswana: Maintaining the Status Quo in a Peripheral Capitalist Country

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-229
Author(s):  
Kebapetse Lotshwao ◽  
Robert Imre ◽  
Jim Jose

Given that Botswana is considered a stable democracy, the need for democracy assistance does not at first glance seem necessary. Yet, democracy assistance is an important feature of Botswana’s political regime. The rationale for democracy assistance is couched in terms of strengthening the country’s democratic institutions, enhancing the state’s capacity, and bolstering Botswana’s civil society. However, contrary to these stated objectives, this article reveals that democracy assistance serves the agenda of Western donor countries and certain multilateral institutions—an agenda concerned with keeping Botswana politically stable and its state institutions efficient so that the country is attractive to investors. This agenda is pursued at the cost of not making certain long overdue political reforms.

BMJ Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. e042553
Author(s):  
Youngji Jo ◽  
Amnesty Elizabeth LeFevre ◽  
Hasmot Ali ◽  
Sucheta Mehra ◽  
Kelsey Alland ◽  
...  

ObjectiveWe estimated the cost-effectiveness of a digital health intervention package (mCARE) for community health workers, on pregnancy surveillance and care-seeking reminders compared with the existing paper-based status quo, from 2018 to 2027, in Bangladesh.InterventionsThe mCARE programme involved digitally enhanced pregnancy surveillance, individually targeted text messages and in-person home-visit to pregnant women for care-seeking reminders for antenatal care, child delivery and postnatal care.Study designWe developed a model to project population and service coverage increases with annual geographical expansion (from 1 million to 10 million population over 10 years) of the mCARE programme and the status quo.Major outcomesFor this modelling study, we used Lives Saved Tool to estimate the number of deaths and disability-adjusted life years (DALYs) that would be averted by 2027, if the coverage of health interventions was increased in mCARE programme and the status quo, respectively. Economic costs were captured from a societal perspective using an ingredients approach and expressed in 2018 US dollars. Probabilistic sensitivity analysis was undertaken to account for parameter uncertainties.ResultsWe estimated the mCARE programme to avert 3076 deaths by 2027 at an incremental cost of $43 million relative to the status quo, which is translated to $462 per DALY averted. The societal costs were estimated to be $115 million for mCARE programme (48% of which are programme costs, 35% user costs and 17% provider costs). With the continued implementation and geographical scaling-up, the mCARE programme improved its cost-effectiveness from $1152 to $462 per DALY averted from 5 to 10 years.ConclusionMobile phone-based pregnancy surveillance systems with individually scheduled text messages and home-visit reminder strategies can be highly cost-effective in Bangladesh. The cost-effectiveness may improve as it promotes facility-based child delivery and achieves greater programme cost efficiency with programme scale and sustainability.


2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vincent Kazmierski

In many ways, our democratic institutions, processes, and frameworks resemble the dinosaurs of the Cretaceous period...They have ceased to evolve sufficiently and are being left behind in an environment where technological innovations and greater expectations for political consultation, participation, and accountability have combined to present new challenges to the legitimacy, and perhaps the viability, of the status quo. Indeed, without further evolution, one wonders how our democratic dinosaurs will be able to survive cataclysmic events on the horizon, including escalating terrorism events and their aftermath.


2013 ◽  
Vol 357-360 ◽  
pp. 129-134
Author(s):  
Bin Quan Zhang ◽  
Yong Sheng Chen

City construction is beset with severe problems like homogenization, exotic style copy, barbaric development and short-lived buildings, jeopardizing the traditional culture as well as natural environment. Faced with the status quo, it is not feasible to protect the environment at the cost of social and economic development. City construction thus faces extruding problems. The solution of such problems calls for all-dimensional discussion. The practice of Mr. Wang Shu leads the way.


Philosophy ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 45 (172) ◽  
pp. 114-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Ward

What is it to be ‘morally serious’? In one sense, it is quite obvious that a man who stands by his moral principles with difficulty and in face of many obstacles, even to the extent of giving his life rather than denying these principles, is a morally serious person. He might be contrasted with a man who gives up or modifies his moral principles whenever their implementation becomes difficult, or threatens to harm his interests; and this person might be called morally frivolous. That is what moral seriousness is; but still, one might ask, what is it to be a morally serious man? What does it involve to be such a man? Is it just a sort of pathological obstinacy; even, perhaps, a misplaced conservatism in face of the facts, which clings to the principles it knows, whatever the cost? One cannot rule out such a possibility. But the martyr and the hero do not consider themselves to be merely obstinate. In the face of risk and even certain suffering, they typically regard it as of supreme importance to be obstinate in sustaining their principles. Something more is felt to be at stake than mere defence of the status quo.


Author(s):  
Lawrence V. Fulton ◽  
Matthew S. Brooks

In 2014, a whistleblower reported that many U.S. veterans died while waiting for care at the Phoenix VHA. Problems with veteran’s care through 2018 reveal ongoing and systematic problem.  In March 2018, the VA Inspector General identified critical deficiencies at the Washington, DC VA Medical Center including failures to track patient safety events accurately, ineffective sterile processing, and more than 10 thousand open or pending prosthetic / sensory aid consults. The VHA clearly has problems with access and quality in a budget-constrained environment.  In this policy analysis, four separate interventions that address the gap between the magnitude as well as the use of the VHA’s fixed budget versus access and cost expectations are explored. These policy interventions include maintaining the status quo, returning to a “VHA-only” option, transitioning to a CMS central payer system, and consolidating care under the DoD TRICARE insurance plans. An objective evaluation suggests that extending TRICARE to veterans while phasing out the VHA’s care responsibilities, while politically unpalatable, would likely provide the best of four possible solutions under various criterion weighting schemes.  A central payer solution under the CMS would also be viable consideration.  A Friedman’s test with Wilcoxon rank sum post-hoc tests suggests that TRICARE patient perceptions of quality are superior to VHA and non-VHA / non-DoD (p<.001), that access provided by the TRICARE program is ranked second in terms of venue acceptance only to the CMS solution set based on primary provider acceptance, and that the cost per beneficiary of a TRICARE solution ($6.5K / beneficiary)  is far better than a VHA-only solution ($14.0 K / beneficiary), the CMS central payer solution ($12.2K / beneficiary), or the status quo (between $12.2K and $14.0K / beneficiary).  The intent of this paper is to provoke thoughtful consideration of solutions for providing access to high-quality healthcare for veterans within our outside of the VHA. In this policy analysis, separate interventions that address the gaps between cost, quality, and access are explored. These policy interventions include maintaining the status quo, returning to a VHA-only option, transitioning to a CMS central payer system, and consolidating care under TRICARE.


Author(s):  
Oliver Gerstenberg

This book addresses the question of social constitutionalism, especially with regard to its role in the contemporary European project. For reasons of history and democracy, Europeans share a deep commitment to social constitutionalism. But at the same time, Europeans are concerned about an overconstitutionalization and the balancing-away of less-favoured rights, leading to the entrenchment of the status quo and stifling of the living constitutionalism and democracy. The book challenges the common view that constitutionalization means de-politicization. Without claiming for themselves the final word, courts can exert a more indirect—forum-creative and agenda-setting—role in the process of an ongoing clarification of the meaning of a right. In exerting this role, courts rely less on a pre-existing consensus, but a potential consensus is sufficient: courts can induce debate and deliberation that leads to consensus in a non-hierarchical dialogue in which the conflicting parties, state actors, civil society organizations, and the diverse stakeholders themselves develop flexible substantive standards that interpret constitutional requirements, often over repeat litigation. The CJEU and the ECtHR—as courts beyond the nation state—in their constitutionalizing jurisprudence are able to constructively re-open and re-politicize controversies that are blocked at the national level, or which cannot be resolved at the domestic level. But, crucially, the understanding of constitutional framework-principles is itself subject to revision and reconsideration as the experience of dealing with the diverse national contexts of discovery and application accumulates. This democratic-experimentalist process lies at the heart of the distinctive model of contemporary Euroconstitutionalism.


Significance She had openly accused members of eastern Libyan leader Khalifa Haftar’s family of corruption the day before. The incident is a reminder not only that security challenges remain in the city but also that those who criticise the status quo there can be targeted for abduction and assassination. Impacts The assassination challenges Haftar’s narrative that Benghazi is safe under his forces’ control. Such incidents may deter foreign investors currently being courted for reconstruction efforts. Barassi’s slaying will further shrink the space for critical civil society voices in eastern Libya. Killing women is a particular taboo in Libya and the fact that her tribe could not protect her suggests the breakdown of social norms.


2021 ◽  
pp. 43-69
Author(s):  
André Lecours

This chapter presents the first case study, Catalonia. By the mid 2010s, the traditional autonomism of Catalan nationalism had become a minority position. The basic argument of the chapter is that Catalonia’s autonomy within Spain, at least since 2010, is static, which means Catalans consider there is little chance that the current system can adapt to their national identity and take into consideration their evolving collective interests. The 2010 Spanish Constitutional Court’s judgment, that invalidated and narrowly interpreted many articles of the reform to the Catalan Stature of Autonomy negotiated four years earlier between the Catalan and Spanish governments, represented a clear statement of the static nature of Catalan autonomy. That statement generated mounting pressures by civil society on nationalist parties, particularly CiU, to adopt clear secessionist positions. The status quo and secession seem to be the only two possible constitutional options, and defending the status quo for Catalonia’s nationalist parties was an untenable political and electoral position. As such, the Catalan secessionist turn involved CiU’s own secessionist turn. As the Catalan government embarked on a process of self-determination, the Spanish state responded by declaring any independence referendum, as well as the act of secession itself, unconstitutional. In so doing, the Spanish state reaffirmed that Catalonia’s autonomy was static insofar as no Catalan political act could trigger a progressive change in the powers of the Generalitat. This stance consolidated the new secessionist pathway of Catalan nationalism.


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