Trade and Investment in a Hub-and-Spoke System Versus a Free Trade Area

World Economy ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 237-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald J. Wonnacott
1992 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jaime Ros

This Article addresses some of the key issues involved in understanding current trade negotiations between Mexico and the United States, as well as their significance for the process of economic integration in North America. These issues derive from the new setting produced by (a) Mexico's trade and investment liberalization in the 1980s, (b) the incentives which underlie the drive towards integration, as well as (c) those factors which will condition the final content of the current negotiating process.A free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States could be seen as the logical conclusion of the process of trade and investment liberalization carried out by the Mexican government ever since the mid-1980s. At the same time, it also represents a shift in Mexico's initial trade strategy, from multilateralism to bilateralism, or from globalization to regionalization, as a consequence of the global trend, toward the end of the 20th century, to create large regional economic blocs.


2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mari Pangestu ◽  
Lili Yan Ing

Over recent decades ASEAN has advanced a policy of regional integration, starting with the ASEAN Free Trade Area, following on with the ASEAN+1 free trade agreements with its six main trading partners, and now with ASEAN+6. To further advance ASEAN's regional integration in the East Asian context, it should continue to focus on further liberalization of trade in goods, investment, and services that can facilitate more trade and investment. East Asian integration is designed not to be just an “extensive regional trade agreement,” but is more a “responsive vehicle” that consists of trade and investment commitments combined with facilitation. To keep regional integration viable, it should adopt an open regionalism.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-72
Author(s):  
Ghina Fitri Ariesta Susilo ◽  
Utpala Rani

This study is a qualitative desk research that examines the role of the digital economy in the ASEAN-Korea Free Trade Area (AKFTA) relations. ASEAN and Korea pay attention to the development of the 4.0 revolution and form the ASEAN-Korea Free Trade Area (AKFTA) to establish mutually beneficial relations. The development of the 4.0 industrial revolution has the potential to increase the level of global income and improve the quality of life of populations around the world. The success of the Korean industry can provide very valuable lessons for ASEAN by inspiring this group of countries to implement a digital economy. The partnership reflects the potential benefits of industrial improvement through digitalization and automation, the ASEAN-Republic of Korea Cooperation Center has implemented several trade and investment programs in industry segments related to Industry 4.0. AKFTA will enhance the international competitiveness of ASEAN and Korea by promoting the competition and efficiency that both parties have. AKFTA will shift the trade balance to ASEAN encourage rapid growth of the digital economy and give positive impacts to both parties.


2012 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-25
Author(s):  
Aziz Choudry

The past decade has seen major movements and mobilizations against the new crop of bilateral free trade and investment agreements being pursued by governments in the wake of the failure of global (World Trade Organization) and regional (e.g. Free Trade Area of the Americas) negotiations, and the defeat of an attempted Multilateral Agreement on Investment in the 1990s.  However, in spite of much scholarly, non-governmental organization (NGO) and activist focus on transnational global justice activism, many of these movements, such as the major multi-sectoral popular struggle over the recently-concluded US-Korea Free Trade Agreement, are hardly acknowledged in North America and Europe.  With a shift in emphasis pushing liberalization and deregulation of trade and investment increasingly favouring lower-profile bilateral agreements, this article maps the resistance movements to these latest shifts in global free market capitalist relations and discusses the disconnect between these (mainly Southern) struggles and dominant scholarly and NGO conceptions of global justice and the global justice movement as well as questions of knowledge production arising from these movements.


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